“There are none so blind …”

Sometimes, misinformation is a choice

Source: AZ Quotes

An old acquaintance who handled PR for the New York Stock Exchange when I covered it years ago has become something of a troll on LinkedIn. A committed Trumper, he makes a point of sharing or “liking” often bizarre claims that reinforce the president’s narratives.

For instance, this fellow recently warmed to a meme that claimed that DOGE had found a Louisiana man with 34 names and addresses who was collecting $1.1 million a year in Social Security payments. Never mind that several other posters warned that this was bogus or that I had shared a Snopes fact-check tracing the post’s lineage and demonstrating how it was false.

My acquaintance’s response: “There’s a lot of truth out there that you are ignoring.” And he, like Trump, then invoked President Biden’s alleged flaws (never mind that Biden hasn’t been president since January).

Is the common practice in PR to not admit when one is wrong and, instead, to deflect, changing the subject when it’s unpleasant? Do they teach that in PR school or do people just learn that on the job, developing bad habits that perhaps their bosses love?

Similarly, a cousin often shares memes such as one that shouts: “OBAMA EXPOSED AS FOREIGN-BORN CIA ASSET — MILITARY CONFIRMS TREASON, ELITE TRAFFICKING TIES, AND FRAUDULENT PRESIDENCY.” Another, she drew from Breitbart, proclaims “100 DAYS OF GREATNESS,” citing the recent jobs report and arguing that the economy was defying doomsayers.

The nonsense about Obama is obvious, as is the fact that he left the presidency in January 2017 after two terms. For its part, the enthusiastic Breitbart link flies in the face of stock market plunges, the Commerce Department’s report of shrinkage in the gross domestic product and the flatness in the unemployment rate at 4.2 percent, up from as low as 3.4 percent in the spring of 2023. The post labels as “doomsayers” the responsible forecasters who have upped the chances of the recession, something even Fed Chair Jerome Powell acknowledges.

Such memes and the people who share them raise a host of questions. Among them: do the creators and the sharers pay attention to legitimate news sources? And, more troubling, how gullible are they? Have they lost — or never had — all sense of critical thinking?

Perhaps they live in a world – as Trump at least pretends to – where such sources as The Wall Street Journal, The New York Times, Reuters, AP, etc., are outlets of “fake news,” all conspiring to embarrass him with false reports. Perhaps, as a result, they turn to a world of wacko memesters, swallowing whole each new bit of pabulum that flows by algorithm onto their phones or laptops.

Admittedly, mistrust in legitimate media abounds and has grown over the years. According to Gallup, as of this past February, Americans are divided into rough thirds with just 31 percent trusting the media a great deal or a fair amount, 33 percent saying they do “not [trust it] very much,” and 36 percent, up from 6 percent in 1972, saying they have no trust at all in it. The slide has been a long time in coming: About two-thirds of Americans in the 1970s trusted the “mass media — such as newspapers, TV and radio” either “a great deal” or “a fair amount” to “[report] the news fully, accurately and fairly,” Gallup reported. “By the next measurement in 1997, confidence had fallen to 53 percent, and it has gradually trended downward since 2003.”

Trump rode such media distrust into successful elections in 2016 and again last fall. Give him credit: as a talented huckster, he knows how to get on board a train when his marks are coasting along on it. His charges against the media played into the hands and hearts of the 49.8 percent of voters who elected him last November and the 41 percent to 43 percent who approve of his job performance lately, though not most of us, the estimated 53 percent to 55 percent who disapprove of his work lately.

We also know that sources of responsible news coverage have been drying up or have been cowed by Trump. His browbeating has led to pullbacks on editorial comment at The Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times, for instance. Indeed, it’s passing rich that The Washington Post won a Pulitzer Prize for cartoons by Ann Telnaes, who quit the paper in January when it refused to run a cartoon criticizing owner Jeff Bezos for his Trump obsequiousness.

Trump’s pursuit of CBS for “60 Minutes” already has driven a major producer to quit, citing a loss of journalistic independence. The network’s parent, Paramount, is eager to secure the Trump administration’s approval for a multibillion-dollar sale of the company to Skydance, run by the son of tech billionaire Larry Ellison. Recall that Trump sued over what he regarded as a deceptively edited interview in October with Vice President Kamala Harris, a suit most experts see as baseless and far-fetched.

Moreover, the numbers of newspapers publishing across the country have plummeted, depriving Americans of vital sources of independent information. More than one-third of print newspapers have disappeared in the last two decades and of the rewer than 5,600 papers remaining, some 80 percent are weeklies, according to Northwestern University’s Local News Initiative.

So, if Trumpers ever tapped sources of responsible journalism before, they will have fewer such opportunities going forward. Instead, they will have memesters and the likes of flaks such as White House spokesman Karoline Leavitt. Remember that in March Leavitt inadvertently spoke truthfully in saying that Trump’s Department of Justice would focus on “fighting law and order,” with more substantial misstatements following, such as her claim that tariffs constitute “a tax cut” for Americans.

Then there is Leavitt’s insistence that the Trump Administration is “complying with all court orders,” even as it has refused to bring home an immigrant it has admitted was wrongly deported. Remember that the Supreme Court ordered his return with no dissents.

Like Leavitt, my acquaintance who worked in PR may subscribe to the Trumpian notion that reality is whatever that president says it is. And my cousin may simply be misinformed by relying on random Netizens instead of turning to real news outlets. The tragedy for American democracy is that over the coming few years, if trends continue, the misinformation and deceit they accept may become institutionalized. We seem well on that way to that now.

Source: Visit Sweden

On a personal note, this Substack will be on hiatus for about three weeks. My wife and I will go biking in Scandinavia, happily if temporarily distant from the Big Liar. Stay strong, dear readers, and stay well informed for us.

‘You say you want a Revolution, well …’

If they’re going to change the world, universities need to do more

Liberty Leading the People by Eugène Delacroix, 1830. Source: DiPLO

A couple weeks ago, New York Times columnist David Brooks called for something akin to a revolution.

“It’s time for a comprehensive national civic uprising,” he wrote in a piece headlined “What’s Happening is Not Normal. America Needs an Uprising That Is Not Normal.” He argued: “It’s time for Americans in universities, law, business, nonprofits and the scientific community, and civil servants and beyond to form one coordinated mass movement. Trump is about power. The only way he’s going to be stopped is if he’s confronted by some movement that possesses rival power.”

Are we beginning to see the rise of such a rival power or, more properly, rival powers? Glimmers are emerging in some universities that are uniting to fight federal funding cuts and other actions President Donald J. Trump has taken to shatter what he sees as “woke” culture.

But, so far, the efforts seem oddly timid. Either university administrators fear being too out front in hopes they can avoid Trump’s vindictiveness or they think — mistakenly — that they can weather the gathering storm.

Rutgers profs David Salas-de la Cruz, left, and Paul Boxer

Showing less fear, a pair of Rutgers professors — chemist David Salas-de la Cruz and psychologist Paul Boxer — in March drafted a “mutual defense compact.” They proposed bringing together the 18 schools in the Big Ten athletic and academic conference in resistance to Trump.

This compact would commit the schools to provide “meaningful” cash for a defense fund aimed at supporting any member “under direct political or legal infringement.” It would provide legal counsel, governance experts, and public affairs offices “to coordinate a unified and vigorous response” that could include countersuit actions, strategic public communication, amicus briefs and expert testimony, legislative advocacy and coalition-building.

Quickly following suit, faculty senates at more than a dozen of the schools endorsed the idea. Encouragingly, they include those groups at Rutgers, one of my alma maters, and my prior employer, the University of Nebraska-Lincoln.

The resolution passed at Rutgers called on the university’s president, Jonathan Holloway, to “take a leading role in convening a summit of Big Ten academic and legal leadership” to start the compact.

But Holloway has demurred. While he supported the “ethos” of the resolution, he did not formally endorse it, noting that he is stepping down at the end of the academic year, according to The Chronicle of Higher Education. “I’m a president walking out the door in two months,” he said in a senate meeting. “Presidents going out the door have no lobbying power with their peers.”

Instead, Holloway encouraged faculty senators to “work with their colleagues in other university senates and shared-governance councils, whether in the Big Ten or beyond, to further test their thinking, understand what may or may not be possible, and identify the local constraints and freedoms that define the actions of peer institutions,” according to a spokeswoman.

Mealy-mouthed? PR-speak for “no way can we do this”?

Already, a spokesman for Ohio State told The Washington Post that “it is not legally permissible for the university to participate in a common defense fund.” Other administrators have not taken up the idea publicly, including representatives for leaders at Indiana and Nebraska who did not respond The Chronicle’s request for comment.

Perhaps it’s no wonder that the top university officials may hope a duck-and-cover strategy will serve them better. But that is likely only because they haven’t yet had to fight, as Harvard has. Recall that Harvard has brought suit against the administration for freezing billions in federal grants.

Dani Rodrik

Some Harvard professors have even pledged to donate 10 percent of their salaries this year to support the university’s fight. “If we as a faculty are asking the University administration to resist the Trump administration’s attacks on academic freedom, we should also be willing to share in the financial sacrifice that will be necessary,” Harvard Kennedy School professor Dani Rodrik told The Harvard Crimson.

So far, all but one of the Big Ten schools have been spared the sort of attacks Trump had lobbed at Ivy League schools. The exception, Northwestern, lost $790 million.

But Trump’s wrath – and his social engineering – may be unavoidable. Nine of the Big Ten schools have gotten a letter from the Education Department’s Office for Civil Rights warning of “potential enforcement actions” if they failed “to protect Jewish students on campus, including uninterrupted access to campus facilities and educational opportunities,” according to The Post.

Of course, the claim of fighting antisemitism is little more than a ruse, an excuse to undertake a far-reaching remake of higher education. Yes, antisemitism is a real issue — especially at Harvard and my other alma mater, Columbia — and needs to be rooted out. But, for Trump, it’s just a pretext.

As for other schools that have stayed clear of the president’s broad-gauge volleys, it is just a matter of time before they are hauled into the fight, like it or not.

Take note that the hit list of Project 2025 – the right-wing blueprint that Trump is following, despite disavowing it during the campaign – has a hefty array of education targets.

The agenda includes so-far incomplete measures such as capping support for indirect research at universities, authorizing states to act as accreditors or setting up alternatives to current accrediting bodies, terminating the public service loan forgiveness program, banning critical race theory and eliminating PLUS loans, among other things. Here is a handy tracker on how the Project’s efforts are proceeding.

As Ms. reports, only one-third of the Project’s efforts have been completed, so much more remains for the balance of Trump’s term.

And perish the thought that any shreds of diversity efforts could remain unscathed on campus. Schools could be prosecuted on civil rights grounds for that, including programming aimed at putting first-generation students on the same footing as others. The administration is investigating at least 45 schools in an effort to end “racial preferences and stereotypes.”

Jonathan Fansmith, source: ACE

“Big Ten institutions haven’t been in the crosshairs, but they can read the writing on the wall,” Jonathan Fansmith, senior vice president for the American Council on Education, told The Post. For many college presidents he represents, the prevailing thought now is: “Trying to keep a low profile won’t stop the attacks.”

Yet he said he also suspects they would be wary to sign on to the compact without knowing exactly what it would require.

Only administrators, not faculty senates, can commit their institutions to the united front.

The Rutgers university senate supported the Big Ten compact with its vote on March 28. Organizers there plan a teach-in next week and May Day protests in support of the compact, journalism professor Todd Wolfson told The Washington Post. He expects a protracted fight with administrators over the summer.

“We have had to lead and they have followed us,” Wolfson said. “Now we will demand they actually put resources into defending our campuses.”

Wolfson also serves as president of the American Association of University Professors. The AAUP is a union with chapters at more than 500 schools, including several in the Big Ten. It was among the first groups to sue the Trump administration over federal cuts to higher education funding.

Separately, about 10 Ivies and elite schools have put together what The Wall Street Journal called a private collective to fight deep cuts already mandated against them.

Perhaps because their schools already are being scorched by Trump, individual trustees and presidents are involved in the collective. The newspaper reported that participants have discussed red lines they won’t cross in negotiations with the White House. One such red line, for instance, is relinquishing academic independence, including autonomy over admissions, hiring, and what they teach and how it is taught.

The group has gamed out how to respond to demands presented by the Trump administration, which has frozen or canceled billions in research funding at schools it says haven’t effectively combated antisemitism on their campuses.

So far, Trump’s minions have been successful in picking off universities and law firms by attacking them one by one. So it’s not surprising that they are fretting about unification efforts, according to a source cited by the Journal. Within the past two months, the task force warned the leadership of at least one school not to cooperate with other schools to defend against the task force demands, one source told the paper.

Additionally, the American Association of Colleges and Universities has come out with a statement condemning what it called “unprecedented government overreach and political interference now endangering American colleges and universities.” The petition was signed by more than 500 higher-education leaders nationwide.

“We speak with one voice against the unprecedented government overreach and political interference now endangering American higher education,” the statement said.

Speaking, of course, isn’t enough. As Harvard has done, taking the fights to court – the last redoubt, given the supine Congress – will be essential.

Brooks’s “uprising” has a long way to go, but Trump is certain to give timid administrators plenty of reason to man the barricades.