About Joe Weber

Now the Jerry and Karla Huse Professor Emeritus at the University of Nebraska's College of Journalism and Mass Communications, I worked 35 years in magazines and newspapers. I spent most of that time, 22 years, at BUSINESS WEEK Magazine, leaving in August 2009 as chief of correspondents. So far, I have worked in central New Jersey, New York City, Denver, Dallas, Philadelphia, Toronto, Chicago, Beijing, Shanghai and Lincoln, Nebraska. The adventure continues.

Troubled by illiberality

Education in the liberal arts is at risk

Joseph Weber

Hampshire College, source: The Nation

More decades ago than I’d care to count, I was scouting about for colleges to attend. Recall that this was in the spring of 1971 or thereabouts, when the counterculture was still in blossom. One school that crossed my radar was Hampshire College, “an experimental, alternative” institution in Amherst, Mass., that had admitted its first class just a year earlier.

The place seemed like a great blast of fresh air. No grades, but narrative assessments. Self-designed curricula. No required classes. Time described it as a “model of well-planned radicalism.” A dorm even permitted pets.

Little wonder that Hampshire attracted talented folks. Grads include mountaineer and author Jon Krakauer, actor Liev Schreiber (of “Spotlight” fame) and filmmaker Ken Burns. Of course, hanging with such talent wouldn’t have come cheap, with annual all-in tabs now topping $77,000 (though it was likely far less in its early days).

For various reasons, Hampshire fell by the wayside for me and affordable public education proved plenty useful (along with a still-affordable — then — private grad school). The routes I took were eminently practical, even for a dreamy English major infatuated with 18th century writers.

So it was distressing to hear that Hampshire will shut its doors after the fall semester. “It was dedicated to a transformational education, in an era when higher education has been hijacked by the transactional,” Burns told The New York Times.

Ken Burns, source: Britannica

The documentarian, who made his first movie at the college, has been a prominent donor and a past board member for a school that changed his life. “It was just transforming,” he said. “I literally learned everything there — everything.”

But, as the Times reported, a multiyear effort to refinance debt, raise funds, pursue land development and increase enrollment failed to produce a viable path to saving the 56-year-old college. It will join an epidemic of college closures over the past two decades. More than 300 U.S. colleges and universities closed from 2008 to 2024, according to an analysis by The Hechinger Report.

Many of the schools listed by Hechinger scarcely deserved the title of college. A good number focused on such things as cosmetology, beauty and massage and could well have been examples of for-profit institutions that have long ripped off students.

But the ranks also included Goddard College, whose grads include playwright David Mamet and actor William H. Macy, and such schools as Judson College, a Baptist school for women in Alabama.

From a hard-headed economic standpoint, the shutdowns merely reflect changes in the marketplace for education. As the costs of schooling have soared, perhaps especially at niche-oriented private schools, the pay scales that most grads can expect have not kept anywhere near that pace. So, the risk-reward curve has tilted against such institutions.

Education, after all, is an investment in the future. If it doesn’t pay off in marketable skills, how can it be justified? One might argue that the shutdowns are little more than an example of Schumpeter’s “creative destruction,” with obsolete educational enterprises giving way to those that better serve the modern day.

Hampshire’s enrollment has dipped to just about 625 students, about half the enrollment of the early 2000s. Students, it might be said, have been voting with their feet.

But the problem is that education is more than just training, more than just the honing of practical skills. It’s also designed to teach one how to think and, in many areas, to provide insights – and the ability to develop insights – that just aren’t easily available elsewhere. And, at its best, it provides settings where smart people rub shoulders to share such insights and maybe even change worldviews.

As John Locke argued in 1693, “nine parts of ten” of a person’s character are shaped by education, not nature.

Yes, the practical skills one gets in schools of business, medicine, law and journalism (even in these tough times for the field) are invaluable. Such specialties — especially at the graduate level — are essential both for individuals and society.

And yet, should there not be venues for talents such as Burns, Mamet and so many others to flourish? Should even those who go on to practice medicine, accounting or law, or to establish businesses, not be given opportunities – or perhaps be required – to develop parts of their character and their minds that go beyond the sometimes narrow limits of those fields?

Hampshire’s president, Jennifer Chrisler, told the Times that part of the school’s downfall may relate to “public discussion in this country about the value of a liberal arts education … Some of it is a persistent and ill informed, I think, belief at the federal level that the only value of an education is what you earn four years after your graduation.”

Earnings, of course, are important barometers of the value of schooling. If education doesn’t help one make a living – yielding enough of a payoff to justify the costs – it has failed.

And yet, the value of a liberal arts education is tough, perhaps impossible, to quantify. The ROI may be there, but just be hard to tote up.

Gayle Greene, source: Johns Hopkins University Press

In “Immeasurable Outcomes: Teaching Shakespeare in the Age of the Algorithm,” Scripps College Professor Emerita Gayle Greene offers a blistering attack on the language of those who devalue the humanities. “Hyphenated words have a special pizzazz—value added, capacity building, performance-based, high-performance—especially when one of the words is datadata drivendata-basedbenchmarked-data,” she writes. “Wait a minute, I thought getting students to understand, feel, learn, appreciate, grasp the significance of, enjoy—was sort of the point.”

Can STEM courses exist alongside Shakespeare (or Locke, Swift, Defoe, Pope and Johnson)? Perhaps their programs should require at least an acquaintance with such folks.

Thankfully, many public universities demand at least a modest blend of humanities in schooling for such things as accounting in order for someone to get a degree. The so-called “gen-eds” required at the school where I taught, the University of Nebraska-Lincoln, include areas such as English courses, for instance.

The loss of entire schools devoted to the less practical realms, such as Hampshire, is to be mourned. But we lose even more if we don’t demand at least a touch of the things such schools teach in all our higher-ed programs, a dash of the atmospheres such institutions foster.

A 10-professor committee at Yale recently released a report on declining trust in higher education. One of its recommendations, particularly focused on Yale but applicable more broadly, notes that the demands of the job market – over the long haul – are difficult to predict. It suggests that the intellectual skills delivered by the liberal arts may well be essential in some areas.

“Yale must recognize the epochal advances in technology and artificial intelligence, and ensure that graduates are prepared to deploy, design, and improve these tools,” the report says. “The evolving nature of the job market is also an argument for the broad, flexible, and time-tested form of education known as the liberal arts.”

The authors contend that a liberal arts education that includes the sciences and social sciences as well as the arts and humanities “equips students with foundational wisdom and critical skills that will serve them throughout their lives.” They urged that Yale – and, by implication, other schools — “work actively to help students translate a liberal arts education into successful professional and civic life.”

Bravo to Yale. And, sadly for Hampshire, RIP.

Divinely ordained?

In a flap between Trump and the pope, guess who takes the high road

Joseph Weber

Henry VIII meets Anne Boleyn, source: World History Encyclopedia

Popes and kings have often rubbed one another the wrong way.

Consider Henry VIII. When Catherine of Aragon couldn’t produce a male heir for the obese British king, he grew infatuated with one of her ladies-in-waiting, Anne Boleyn. Pope Clement VII stalled for years on granting a divorce. So, the monarch broke with the Roman church, appointed a Protestant clergyman as the Archbishop of Canterbury, got his divorce from him and married the heavily pregnant Anne.

Then, in 1534, Parliament passed a law making Henry the Supreme Head of the Church of England. The randy ruler also soon had Boleyn beheaded and married four more times. The fates of the six were not happy: “divorced, beheaded, died, divorced, beheaded, survived.” For his sins, Clement’s successor excommunicated Henry in 1538 and the king died nine years later.

Three centuries earlier, Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II went to war twice against papal armies, battling them in 1229 and 1230 and again in the 1240s. Pope Gregory IX had excommunicated Frederick a couple times and taken his lands in Italy while the king was off on crusades. His successor, Pope Innocent IV, later again excommunicated the emperor. In their war of words, the popes called Frederick “the antichrist,” and he, in turn, labeled Innocent the same, adding that the pope’s name was “the mark of the beast,” arguing that his initials equaled the Roman letters for the Satanic 666.

Pope Leo, sourceL OSV News

So, in comparison, the contretemps between the obese would-be monarch, Donald J. Trump, and Pope Leo XIV seems like small beer. Certainly, it’s as paltry and petty as Trump himself, who demonstrated his anger, irrationality and knack for non-sequiturs as he took on the leader of 1.4 billion Catholics in a Truth Social post.

While Trump hurled personal insults, calling Leo “WEAK on crime and terrible for Foreign Policy,” and accusing him of “catering to the Radical Left,” the pope preferred to take a higher road. Speaking to reporters at the beginning of a 10-day tour to four African nations, Leo said: “I have no fear, neither of the Trump administration, nor of speaking out loudly about the message of the Gospel. And that’s what I believe I am called here to do.”

Leo said he had “no intention to debate” Trump. “I am not a politician,” he told reporters, as he defended his earlier remarks asking the world to end “the madness of war.” He added: “The message is the same: to promote peace.”

The pope did offer a slight jab, however. When he was asked specifically about Trump’s comments on Truth Social, Leo said: “It’s ironic — the name of the site itself. Say no more.”

For all the small-mindedness in Trump’s blast, though, what is astonishing – if consistent – is his egocentrism. It’s all – and always – about him, of course.

Leo, the first American-born pope, was chosen by the global College of Cardinals last May not because he headed the worldwide Augustinian order of priests or because he is an expert on canon law who taught as a seminary professor while ministering in Peru for a decade. No, according to Trump, the now-70-year-old was “a shocking surprise” who owes his appointment to Trump.

“He wasn’t on any list to be Pope, and was only put there by the Church because he was an American, and they thought that would be the best way to deal with President Donald J. Trump,” the president posted. “If I wasn’t in the White House, Leo wouldn’t be in the Vatican.”

The pope, Trump added, should be “thankful” to him – though this randy and often-philandering royal wannabe made it clear he doesn’t “want” the Chicago-born pontiff leading the Church (as if he has the say-so).

“And I don’t want a Pope who criticizes the President of the United States because I’m doing exactly what I was elected, IN A LANDSLIDE, to do, setting Record Low Numbers in Crime, and creating the Greatest Stock Market in History.”

Never mind that Trump was elected his second time with less than half the popular vote, 49.8 percent to 48.3 percent for Kamala Harris, a margin of less than 2.3 million votes. And just what crime and stock markets have to do with the pope is a mystery, one perhaps clear only in Trump’s unsettled mind.

Leo, for his part, has avoided direct criticism of Trump in most of his admonitions about the president’s military adventurism.

In his opening months as pontiff, he quietly dodged an early invitation from Trump to visit Washington. But in January, Leo delivered a speech voicing concern about the Trump administration’s capture of President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela.

As The New York Times reported, his admonishments on the war in Iran have grown more pointed as the conflict has continued, and as Trump administration officials began invoking theology to justify the war that Trump ordered up.

Pete Hegseth, source: The Guardian

First, he appeared sour on efforts by Pete Hegseth, the defense secretary, to portray the U.S.-Israeli campaign against Iran as a Christian mission. Hegseth, a supporter of a peculiar Christian sect, asked the American people to pray “every day, on bended knee” for a military victory in the Middle East “in the name of Jesus Christ.”

The pope saw things differently. In a homily during a Mass on the Thursday morning before Easter, the pope said that the Christian mission had often been “distorted by a desire for domination, entirely foreign to the way of Jesus Christ.”

Then, on Easter Sunday, he renewed his call for peace. “On this day of celebration, let us abandon every desire for conflict, domination and power, and implore the Lord to grant his peace to a world ravaged by wars,” Leo told tens of thousands of faithful gathered in St. Peter’s Square.

“We tend to consider ourselves powerful when we dominate, victorious when we destroy our equals, great when we are feared,” the pope said at the Basilica of St. John Lateran, the cathedral of the bishop of Rome. “God has given us an example — not of how to dominate, but of how to liberate; not of how to destroy life, but of how to give it.”

In late March the pope warned against invoking the name of Jesus for battle, saying in a Sunday homily that Jesus “does not listen to the prayers of those who wage war, but rejects them.”

After Trump threatened to wipe out “a whole civilization” in Iran, the pope said that “this threat against the whole population of Iran” was “really not acceptable.” He urged citizens to contact their political leaders to ask them to “to work for peace and to reject war always.”

As the Times noted, Trump’s angry reaction to the soft-spoken Leo, who was born Robert Francis Prevost in Chicago, showed “how differently two of the world’s most powerful Americans handle conflict.” The paper noted: “One pleads for resolution, while the other reflexively increases the temperature.”

While the pope mostly kept his comments focused on issues, Trump has preferred to make them personal.

“I like his brother Louis much better than I like him, because Louis is all MAGA,” the president posted. “He gets it, and Leo doesn’t!”

Lou Prevost, the eldest brother of the pope, has repeatedly praised Trump in online posts, applauding his attacks on the trans community and the Democratic Party, and once even shared a video that referred to former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi as a “c–t.”

“These f—ing liberals crying about tariffs is just unreal,” read the caption under the video, posted by someone else and reported on by the Daily Beast. “Do they not know that there is a thing called video? Just listen to what this drunk c— has to say in the mid-90’s long before her husband had grindr dates.”

Prevost’s efforts, first noted by the Daily Beast last May 2025, quickly earned him an invitation to the White House, and to a Mar-a-Lago bash hosted by the president in December.

Source: Truth Social

But today some of Trump’s latest postings are not sitting well with others in the MAGA base, as The Washington Post reported. Several were offended by Trump’s post of an image depicting him in Christ-like robes, holding a glowing orb and blessing an ailing man.

“I don’t know if the President thought he was being funny or if he is under the influence of some substance or what possible explanation he could have for this OUTRAGEOUS blasphemy,” wrote Megan Basham, a prominent conservative Protestant Christian writer and commentator. “But he needs to take this down immediately and ask for forgiveness from the American people and then from God.”

The president has since had the image removed.

Isabel Brown, a Catholic podcaster with the Daily Wire outlet and a conservative influencer allied with the Trump White House, also spoke out against it. “This post is, frankly, disgusting and unacceptable, but also a profound misreading of the American people experiencing a true and beautiful revival of faith in Christ in the midst of our broken culture,” Brown wrote.

David Brody, an evangelical journalist with the Christian Broadcasting Network, blasted the image, as the Times reported. “This goes too far. It crosses the line,” Brody wrote on social media. “A supporter can back the mission AND reject this simultaneously.”

The newspaper also noted that Representative Debbie Dingell of Michigan, a Catholic Democrat from the Detroit suburbs, called the image “deeply offensive and disrespectful.” She added: “This is not a matter of politics or humor — it touches the core of our faith. Our Lord represents humility, sacrifice, compassion, empathy and truth. Everything he is not.”

After Pope Francis died last spring, Trump kicked up similar dust when he posted an image of himself as pontiff. He had a ready answer when reporters asked who he would like to take the job in Rome, according to the Times. “I’d like to be pope,” he joked to reporters at the White House. “That would be my number one choice.”

Source: Truth Social, via The New York Times

For the notoriously humorless Trump – now clearly stung by Pope Leo — the joke was likely more than half-serious.

Do we need hope and change again?

With Trump’s rage going too far, Americans could be ready for something better

Joseph Weber

Source: WBUR

When Barack Obama won the presidency in 2008, he was a fresh face offering “hope and change,” his signature campaign message. He vowed to help the middle class, then struggling in one of the nation’s worst modern recessions, promised an end to the Iraq War, and pledged to install ethical government.

Obama pioneered the use of social media, data-driven voter targeting, and grassroots, small-dollar fundraising. Using platforms such as MyBarackObama.com, his team mobilized 2.2 million volunteers for ground-level organizing and personal outreach. The “campaign team used social media and technology as an integral part of their campaign strategy, not only to raise money, but also more importantly, to develop a groundswell of empowered volunteers who felt that they could make a difference,” academics at Stanford reported.

The technology allowed the junior Illinois senator to deliver an upbeat message, one surprisingly like Ronald Reagan’s “shining upon city on a hill,” his 1980 campaign theme.

“Yes, we can” – a phrase Obama borrowed from the Spanish version used by Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta of the United Farm Workers – became his rallying cry. It worked at a time when Americans craved hope and optimism, successful enough to give Obama two terms.

But when Donald J. Trump came to power – in his two successful presidential campaigns – much of the electorate wanted something far different. They were angry and feeling unheard. White voters, in particular, seemed to feel like they were losing their grip on the country, a message Trump delivered with no embarrassment. The undereducated, especially, felt sidelined economically.

Trump reflected, channeled and ultimately rode to power on their rage at a system that seemed to leave many of them out.

But now that we’re seeing the effects of rage as a governing principle, are many Americans feeling differently? With murderous attacks on alleged drug dealers, followed by military raids on foreign countries and war in the Middle East, as well as masked and armed federal agents rounding up tens of thousands within our borders (and killing some), are growing numbers of Americans appalled by their choice?

And, starting with the midterms and then in the presidential contest of 2028, will they seek a different message?

Will they want that delivered, moreover, in less conventional ways than the old techniques of position papers, local media tours and debates? Perhaps a daily “permanent show” distributed on “traditional TV, connected TV, Instagram, Facebook, YouTube, TikTok, Reddit, podcasts, Snapchat, radio, video games, community events, door-to-door canvassing, phone calls and texting,” as former Obama political adviser David Plouffe contends in a New York Times commentary.

And will they respond once again to upbeat messaging or something else?

David Plouffe, source: Politico

Plouffe, backed by some academic research, holds that anger will carry the day once again – this time disgust at Trump’s legacy. “The messaging must focus squarely on making vulnerable G.O.P. candidates, not the president, the face of the things voters are angry about: higher prices, local businesses closing, farm community devastation,” he argues.

At least one presidential hopeful, California Gov. Gavin Newsom, has embraced both some of the technology and some of Trump’s messaging style. He has gotten a lot of ink with constant posts on social media that troll the president. Newsom has used what Politico called “an inescapable, smashmouth, all-caps-laden and meme-filled X account” to counter Trumpism.

“There’s Newsom on Mount Rushmore,” the news outlet reported last year. “There’s Newsom getting prayed over by Tucker Carlson, Kid Rock and an angelic, winged Hulk Hogan. There’s Newsom posting in all caps, saying his mid-cycle redistricting proposal has led ‘MANY’ people to call him ‘GAVIN CHRISTOPHER ‘COLUMBUS’ NEWSOM (BECAUSE OF THE MAPS!). THANK YOU FOR YOUR ATTENTION TO THIS MATTER.’”

But I wonder. Do we really want a Trump-style alternative to the president, especially someone who strikes many as just a bit too slick?

Maybe we’re better off with a cooler head, a less everywhere candidate such as Josh Shapiro, perhaps. “He doesn’t host a podcast or spend much time on cable news,” The Atlantic reported. “Even as he engages in regular skirmishes with the White House over policy matters, the governor goes out of his way to not antagonize the MAGA base. Shapiro, who is expected to run for president in 2028, believes that his party’s prospects of regaining power depend less on combatting Donald Trump than on courting the president’s supporters.”

Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro

Or would Pete Buttigieg, Rahm Emanuel, J.B. Pritzker, Chris Murphy, Mark Kelly, Andy Beshear or someone else be best? The pundits are split, of course, and both the messenger and the message will be crucial.

Do Trump and MAGA make us more angry or just more exhausted by ugliness, self-dealing and rampant institutional disrespect in the top reaches of government? It seems likely that many of us — perhaps most – are offended by such unhinged and unpresidential messages as “Tuesday will be Power Plant Day, and Bridge Day, all wrapped up in one, in Iran. There will be nothing like it!!! Open the Fuckin’ Strait, you crazy bastards, or you’ll be living in Hell — JUST WATCH! Praise be to Allah.”

In time, polls will help us get a handle on public reaction. But, for now, we have the disparate responses of politicians.

For instance, Marjorie Taylor Greene, a former staunch ally turned Trump critic, said everyone in the Trump administration who claims to be a Christian needed to “beg forgiveness from God” and intervene in the president’s “madness,” as The Guardian reported. In a lengthy post on X, the former Republican congresswoman wrote: “I know all of you and him and he has gone insane, and all of you are complicit. I’m not defending Iran but let’s be honest about all of this.”

Bernie Sanders, an independent senator, said on X: “One month after starting the war in Iran, this is the statement of the President of the United States on Easter Sunday. These are the ravings of a dangerous and mentally unbalanced individual. Congress has got to act NOW. End this war.”

And Democratic Senator Chris Murphy also called it completely unhinged. He wrote on X: “If I were in Trump’s Cabinet, I would spend Easter calling constitutional lawyers about the 25th Amendment. This is completely, utterly unhinged. He’s already killed thousands. He’s going to kill thousands more.”

Even some Republicans have been appalled by Trump’s rhetoric, especially his so-far delayed threat to destroy Iranian civilization. Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) also criticized Trump’s latest threat, arguing on X that “This type of rhetoric is an affront to the ideals our nation has sought to uphold and promote around the world for nearly 250 years.”

Rep. Kevin Kiley (I-Calif.), who recently switched from a Republican to an independent, wrote on X that the U.S. “does not destroy civilizations… Nor do we threaten to do so as some sort of negotiating tactic. We should all desire a future of freedom, security, and prosperity for the people of Iran.”

It’s an open question whether Trumpism will in time burn out, its rage spent. Economic disenfranchisement, especially among the undereducated, seems likely to grow as income inequality widens. And racial strains may be an ever-present reality in our politics (see Kamala Harris’s fall).

But, given the lurches between extremes that now define our system, the time may be ripe in the coming couple years for candidates who embrace and eloquently deliver more positive messages. As Plouffe suggests, they’ll have to tap into all the many channels available now. Forget detailed policy papers and gauzy ads celebrating commitments to family and country. Surely, modern voters will need plenty of sizzle, along with the steak.

Still, decency, morality, a sense of presidential propriety and a promise akin to Reagan’s “shining city upon a hill” or Obama’s “hope and change” — two eminently successful pitches — may offer a much-needed alternative to the anger-driven, self-dealing and self-deluding politics of the moment.

When do editors say “wait a minute?”

Iran war coverage raises tough questions

Joseph Weber

Source: Ethical Journalism Network

Eons ago, Fred Friendly, who worked as a reporter for an Army newspaper during WWII and later rose to serve as president of CBS News, posed a few interesting questions in a seminar in my journalism graduate program.

Should journalists withhold news during a war? Or, are they obliged to abide by the ethic that a reporter must air even difficult facts — if they are important — as soon as possible, wherever they may lead?

Friendly, who died in 1998, then told of a real-life case where a reporter learned of plans to sneak endangered children out of a European war zone. The journalist held back on reporting on the effort until the mission was complete. Releasing any word beforehand could have cost the children their lives, he reasoned.

Of course, the journalist was right to stay mum.

With that example it became apparent to us all that when lives are at stake, a journalist’s first responsibility is not to his or her audience, but rather to preserve life. This idea was demonstrated repeatedly in WWII, when news organizations withheld information they knew about the Manhattan Project, as well as on troop and ship movements, so as not to tip off enemies about sensitive matters.

The Manhattan Project, source: Arcadia Publishing

But does this principle mean, as Donald J. Trump has argued, that reporters broke the law – and their own sense of ethics, though Trump didn’t mention that – when they disclosed that an F-15 fighter had been shot down in Iran? When they learned that one aviator had been rescued while another remained unaccounted for?

As matters of life and death, the questions multiply.

Should the outlets have kept quiet on that, as the government did for more than 24 hours after the shootdown? Should journalists have withheld the news from their audiences until the second airman was rescued? Did they jeopardize his life—and those of his rescuers—by alerting Iranian authorities about the search-and-rescue mission?

And, now, as Trump has threatened, should journalists be interrogated and jailed if they refuse to disclose sources that tipped them to the details?

Trump blamed an unknown “leaker” for sharing the information, vowing to haul in reporters to find the source. “We’re going to go to the media company that released it and we’re going to say, ‘national security, give it up or go to jail,’” Trump said. He added that whoever shared the information is “a sick person.”

But this may not be easy, which may be why Trump refused to point his finger at a single news outlet. Multiple news organizations had reported on the crash, including the Israeli TV outlet N12AxiosThe Washington PostThe New York TimesNBC News and Reuters. Several referred to unnamed “U.S. officials” – plural — as sources.

And just which media outlet broke the news first is not clear, though a few Israeli journalists appear to have gotten the news out before any the others.

Ariel Kahana of Israel Hayom and Haaretz columnist Amir Oren appear to have posted the news on Telegram before their rivals, according to another Israeli journalist who jumped on the story, Amit Segal. Segal and Axios’s Barak Ravid had both posted early on about the shootdown, the New York Post reported.

The Military Times credited Israel’s Channel 12 with being the first to report that a second American pilot was missing, according to the New York newspaper. But Segal and Ravid were among the earliest to post the information to Telegram and X, respectively.

“An American fighter jet was shot down by Iranian fire. A search is underway to locate the two crew members, according to a source familiar with the details. Read my article at @axios,” Ravid wrote at 8:54 a.m. on Friday. Similar posts by Kahana and Oren appeared a half-hour earlier, Segal told the Post.

It is also possible, however, that Iranian state media beat them all on the news. Iranian media circulated photographs and video footage on Friday that purportedly depicted debris from the downed aircraft, Israel Hayom reported.

Images of debris from Tasnim, source: Israel Hayom

The Tasnim news agency, affiliated with Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, reported that at least one pilot apparently ejected. It incorrectly claimed he was captured by Iranian forces following a failed American rescue attempt. The agency also published an image of an ejection seat.

So, the responsibilities and ethical challenges of the American and Israeli media are not clear here, not to mention their legal risks, despite Trump’s certainty about the irresponsibility of their actions. If it was just a matter of preserving an American’s airman’s safety by keeping quiet, that would have been an easy call: of course, you hold back, just as the reporter in Friendly’s case study did.

But this all was far murkier.

First, did the Israeli reporters, who seem to have gotten the first word out on the F-15 shootdown, get their tipoff just by monitoring Tasnim? Had Tasnim really gotten the information first, even if incorrectly so? And, if so, did the Israelis just get confirmation from the Israeli military with the crucial detail that no one had been captured?

But then, when American media outlets got confirmation of various details, should they have withheld all of that, even though the others had released fragmentary or flawed information on Net? Did the U.S.-based outlets, in fact, do the public – if not the military — a service by providing correct information, even if only from anonymous sources?

Or was that the tipoff that, as Trump claimed, told “the entire country of Iran” that a pilot was “somewhere on their land,” making it “much more difficult for the pilots and the people going into search for him? Did they “put this mission at great risk,” as he insisted?

While lots of questions remain, we do know that the Net, with its power to instantly share information – and misinformation – has changed the calculation for media. They now must add a key element to decisions on publishing sensitive information – what if bad information is out there? Is there not a responsibility to set things right, and quickly?

Government leaders always want war information to serve their interests, not necessarily the larger public interest. Certainly, when journalists reported on the My Lai Massacre in Vietnam in 1968, U.S. authorities were unhappy. But that savagery prompted a rethinking of the war and of the behavior expected of American soldiers, alike.

And now, with Trump threatening to bomb every bridge and power plant across Iran, accurate reporting is essential.

The media need to cover the president’s statements, ranging from the recent Truth Social post saying “A whole civilization will die tonight, never to be brought back again. I don’t want that to happen, but it probably will” to his earlier one: “Tuesday will be Power Plant Day, and Bridge Day, all wrapped up in one, in Iran. There will be nothing like it!!! Open the Fuckin’ Strait, you crazy bastards, or you’ll be living in Hell — JUST WATCH! Praise be to Allah.”

To the extent possible, journalists must report in detail on the destruction in Iran, should that occur. Already, they are covering the moral and legal questions involved in Trump’s threats.

“Such seemingly unrestrained statements have alarmed legal experts and former military officials, who argue that the president’s threat to conduct broad attacks on civilian infrastructure — ‘very little is off-limits,’ he said Monday — could undermine America’s aims in Iran and create legal jeopardy for military leadership,” The Washington Post reported.

As the newspaper reported, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has long supported U.S. military members accused or convicted of war crimes. He has claimed that the U.S. would take its “gloves off” in military conflict and show “no quarter” to its enemies, alarming some legal experts.

For American generals and even lower-level service members, who have the right to refuse to follow illegal orders, the orders that may come from both men are particularly problematic. All that needs to be covered by the press.

Trump, of course, has long been at war with the press, usually for covering him accurately. In his blinkered and hostile world view, the media just complicated a search-and-rescue operation, endangering hundreds of people involved. But for the news outlets interested in reporting thoroughly and correctly, as well as doing things ethically and properly, the issues are anything but simple.

April is what we make of it

Though this one seems more Eliot than Chaucer

Joseph Weber

T.S. Eliot in 1956, source: National Catholic Reporter

April is the cruellest month, breeding/Lilacs out of the dead land, mixing/Memory and desire, stirring/Dull roots with spring rain./Winter kept us warm, covering/Earth in forgetful snow, feeding/A little life with dried tubers.

So begins The Waste Land, where T.S. Eliot wrestled with his personal demons in shellshocked post-WWI Europe. Unhappily married, toiling away in a bank despite his studies at Harvard, the Sorbonne and Oxford, and perhaps feeling at 33 that he was midway through an unfulfilled life, the poet suffered a breakdown and was recovering in a Swiss sanatorium when he wrote the work.

Rife with classical references, The Waste Land’s opening inverts the meaning Geoffrey Chaucer infused into springtime in his General Prologue to The Canterbury TalesAs Tyler Malone notes in a guide to Eliot’s poem, Chaucer paints April as a month of restorative power, when spring rain brings nature back to life:

Whan that Aprille with his shoures soote/The droghte of March hath perced to the roote,/
And bathed every veyne in swich licóur/Of which vertú engendred is the flour 
… In modern English, that’s: “When April with its sweet showers has pierced the drought of March to the root, and bathed every vein (of the plants) in such liquid by which power the flower is engendered/created.

By contrast, of course, Eliot gives us an April (in 1921) whose promise is little but hollow and mean-spirited deceit in a world rendered barren by war, a civilization ruined by cultural and physical desolation. His depressing spring reflected both widespread sentiment about a Western world gone awry and his personal mental crisis.

I’m reminded of all this because on the eve of Easter and midway through the Jewish celebration of Passover – both of which are all about hope and rebirth – we also seem immersed in a modern Waste Land.

Guided by an inept president who underestimated the enemy and a self-styled Secretary of War who is busily firing experienced military leaders, we are in a war whose course seems impossible to predict. An unsettling New York Times piece suggests that Iran could well become yet another of our country’s unresolved battlegrounds.

Writer Charles Homans notes that “never-ending wars” have become “the dominant condition of American foreign policy throughout the 21st century.” He holds that this is “a once-dystopian-seeming possibility that, somewhere in the long shadow of Sept. 11, became a quietly accepted reality.” Homans adds that the United States has been actively involved in military conflicts at home or abroad for most years of the 19th and 20th centuries and in the quarter-century since the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

Pete Hegseth, source: Feminist Giant

And with the Christian nationalist Secretary of Defense, Pete Hegseth, at the helm, the current battle has taken on perverse messianic overtones. Of course, the former Army National Guard Major and ex-TV host not only knows better than his generals, but he’s happy to take on the foremost global leader of Christianity. Hegseth, a supporter of a peculiar Christian cult, has asked the American people to pray “every day, on bended knee” for a military victory in the Middle East “in the name of Jesus Christ.”

Pope Leo XIV, the first American-born pope, has been having none of that. In a homily during a Mass on the Thursday morning before Easter, the pontiff said that the Christian mission had often been “distorted by a desire for domination, entirely foreign to the way of Jesus Christ.” Earlier, in late March, the pope warned against invoking the name of Jesus for battle, saying in a Sunday homily that Jesus “does not listen to the prayers of those who wage war, but rejects them.”

Meanwhile, there are plenty of other troubles to fret about both globally and in the U.S. The post-WWII order, particularly regarding NATO, is at risk. Democracy at home is in danger and our economy hangs in the balance, with 72 percent of Americans rating economic conditions as fair or poor and only 31 percent expecting better conditions in a year.

Oh, and masked and armed federal agents continue to round up immigrants across the U.S., shipping them off to detention camps by the tens of thousands (over 68,000 so far, many with no criminal backgrounds). So far, in such custody, at least 46 people have died. Two others, of course, were murdered by such agents in Minneapolis.

It is, indeed, difficult to see this as a hopeful spring.

Heather Cox Richardson, source: The Guardian

Somewhere, no doubt, a modern Eliot is writing verse that captures this gloomy time (or perhaps he or she is doing a podcast about it all). Of course, we do have Substacker Heather Cox Richardson, the Boston College academic who regularly puts all this in historical context and calls out lies from Donald J. Trump. As she discussed it, his recent TV address about Iran marked a new low.

“Sounding tired and speaking in a monotone, Trump reiterated his claim that the U.S. doesn’t need the oil that travels through the Strait of Hormuz and demanded that other nations who need the oil more force Iran to reopen it,” Richardson wrote. “In reality, the U.S. is tied into international oil markets, and prices not only of oil, but also of products that use oil to get to market, are already rising.”

She also noted Trump’s skewed priorities of late, referring to his comments about his new budget at an Easter lunch reception. “I said to [Office of Management and Budget director] Russell [Vought], ‘Don’t send any money for daycare because the United States can’t take care of daycare,’” Trump said. “That has to be up to a state. We can’t take care of daycare. We’re a big country. We have fifty states, we have all these other people. We’re fighting wars. We can’t take care of daycare.”

As Richardson suggested, kids are low on his list. Like Trump’s budget requests for 2026, his new budget calls for an enormous boost to the nation’s military spending, $1.5 trillion, to be paid for with cuts to domestic programs, the academic noted.

Of course, we’re very much in the early days of this Trumpian catastrophe. It’s as if we’re not even through the early German advances in the four-year-long world war that thrust Eliot and many of his generation into their funks. Things may yet turn upward for the U.S., perhaps with November elections that will repudiate the bleak national course Trump has set.

As for Eliot, his understandable pessimism about humanity never disappeared, though his personal life and attitudes did undergo big changes. Some years after writing The Waste Land, he dismissed the poem as “the relief of a personal and wholly insignificant grouse against life…just a piece of rhythmical grumbling.”

By then, his first wife had died and he was happily married to a second woman. He also had given up the Unitarianism of his American youth and converted to Anglo Catholic Christianity, while also becoming a British subject. His writing at that point focused on religious themes, notably The Four Quartets, regarded by some as the major Christian poem of the last century.

Redemption, in whatever form it will take, seems a long way off for us now. Still, Chaucer’s April is a far more welcome one than Eliot’s.

To everything, there is a season

A time to laugh, a time to weep

Joseph Weber

A rendering of King Solomon, source: The Jerusalem Post

Vanity of vanities, said Koheleth; vanity of vanities, all is vanity/What profit has man in all his toil that he toils under the sun?/A generation goes and a generation comes, but the Earth endures forever./The sun rises and the sun sets, and to its place it yearns and rises there.

So goes the gloomy opening of Kohelet, the well-known Biblical book also called Ecclesiastes, from the Greek. I’m reminded of these words today after meeting a fellow who was struggling with grief and uncertainty.

The man just lost his wife and now is deciding whether to stay in Philadelphia — in our building here, as it happens — or whether to go to a place with what I’ll call fewer contradictions and challenges. He mentioned, for instance, that he misses looking out his window and seeing grass and deer, as he and his wife would in nearby Bucks County. And he noted the sadness one feels while stepping around homeless people lying on the sidewalks outside pricey restaurants and exclusive condo buildings.

It’s as if his grief and misery are reflected in the grievous states he sees among the unfortunates on the streets here. His inner world, it seems, is mirrored by the outside world (as it so often can be for us all).

The words of Kohelet resonate with me because the book — a poem, really — addresses loss, sadness and so many contradictions. It says, for instance: I saw all the deeds that were done under the sun, and behold, everything is vanity and frustration./What is crooked will not be able to be straightened, and what is missing will not be able to be counted.

To be clear, “vanity,” or the Hebrew word huvel in the poem, differs from our modern understanding the term. The word can be translated variously as air, vapor, meaninglessness, vanity, folly, futility, absurdity, or nothingness. For such a little word, it packs quite a punch.

And, as The Seforim Blog explains, huvel is repeated as a motif, describing aspects of human endeavor and life experience. The author, said to be King Solomon, the son of David and a former king of Jerusalem, mourns the inevitable passing that we all face, our disappearances even from memory. He says: [But] there is no remembrance of former [generations], neither will the later ones that will be have any remembrance among those that will be afterwards.

Hardly upbeat. And, throughout the opening, it gets worse, as even wisdom proves ultimately disappointing:

And I applied my heart to know wisdom and to know madness and folly; I know that this too is a frustration./For in much wisdom is much vexation, and he who increases knowledge, increases pain.

Source: Chabad.org

But, as the poem proceeds, the dreariness dissipates. It’s balanced by the verve of life when it’s well and righteously lived:

And I praised joy, for there is nothing better for man under the sun than to eat and to drink and to be merry, and that will accompany him in his toil the days of his life that God gave him under the sun.

The author drives home the point:

Go, eat your bread joyfully and drink your wine with a merry heart, for God has already accepted your deeds./At all times, let your garments be white, and let oil not be wanting on your head./Enjoy life with the wife whom you love all the days of the life of your vanity, whom He has given you under the sun, all the days of your vanity, for that is your portion in life and in your toil that you toil under the sun.

Yes, all is fleeting. But that’s the very reason to enjoy it while one can, the book tells us. Amplifying this, of course, the famous section, earlier on, reminds us of the inevitable turning of time.

Everything has an appointed season, and there is a time for every matter under the heaven./A time to give birth and a time to die; a time to plant and a time to uproot that which is planted./A time to kill and a time to heal; a time to break and a time to build./A time to weep and a time to laugh; a time of wailing and a time of dancing./A time to cast stones and a time to gather stones; a time to embrace and a time to refrain from embracing./A time to seek and a time to lose; a time to keep and a time to cast away./A time to rend and a time to sew; a time to be silent and a time to speak./A time to love and a time to hate; a time for war and a time for peace.

Judy Collins & Pete Seeger,

Is there anyone (of a certain age, that is), who isn’t reminded of Pete Seeger’s “Turn, Turn, Turn,” a 1959 tune recorded by Judy Collins, as well as The Byrds and others? Sadly, Seeger’s closing lyric — which became a Vietnam War protest anthem — has long resonated through many wars since then. It speaks to our day yet again.

The Seeger verse goes: A time for love, a time for hate/A time for peace, I swear it’s not too late.

The fellow now in mourning mentioned that he has several grandchildren and a couple sons in Philadelphia. That, of course, may ultimately sway his choices about where to settle for at least much of each year.

He mentioned how the children now proudly introduce him to their teachers at school and how delighted they are in his company. As he noted, there will come a time — all too soon — when they will prefer to hang with their buds rather than a grandparent.

I’m sure that day will come for us and our eight grandkids, all now 8 or younger. That’s part of the reason we spend as much time with them as possible now. We are determined to enjoy their youth and, by helping them do so, to relive our own.

For if a man lives many years, let him rejoice in them all, and let him remember the days of darkness, for they will be many; all that befalls [him] is vanity./Rejoice, O youth, in your childhood, and let your heart bring you cheer in the days of your youth, and go in the ways of your heart, and in the sight of your eyes, but know that for all these God will bring you to judgment./And remove anger from your heart, and take evil away from your flesh, for childhood and youth are vanity.

Can the courts save us?

So far, many have shot down Trump’s foulest efforts

Joseph Weber

Just over a half-century ago, a federal judge appointed by an honest Republican president stood up to a corrupt Republican president and made history.

John J. Sirica, a son of Italian immigrants who put himself through law school by boxing, demanded in 1973 that Richard Nixon cough up secret Oval Office recordings. On one, Nixon plotted with aides to quash the infamous Watergate burglary investigation. The late judge’s subpoena – and later release of the tapes, as well as the trials of the Watergate burglars over which Sirica presided – led to Nixon’s humiliating resignation.

Ah, if only humiliation worked on this shameless White House.

But, today, we again see other courageous judges taking on a far more corrupt president and setting him back on his would-be regal heels. Donald J. Trump and his minions have been scorched by one court decision after another in their long parade of efforts to twist, stretch and violate the law.

Trump has lost decisions ranging from one damning a company’s blacklisting from defense contracts to proof-of-citizenship requirements for voting. He’s been slapped down in areas as diverse as tariffs and deportations, as well on his efforts to dismantle the U.S. Agency for Global Media. The administration lost a big vaccines case, was forced by a court to pull back on National Guard deployments in cities and suffered setbacks on revenge cases he brought at critics.

The list of judicial defeats goes on and on. The president and his colleagues have lost cases dealing with congestion pricing in city streets, withholding federal funds from schools in diversity, equity and inclusion cases, and on cuts in funding to sanctuary jurisdictions.

And the judges involved have been withering in their rulings against the administration.

Judge Coughenour, source: Seattle Times

Senior U.S. District Judge John Coughenour in Seattle, a Ronald Reagan appointee, called Trump’s executive order ending birthright citizenship “blatantly unconstitutional,” for instance. Another Reagan appointee, Appeals Court Judge J. Harvie Wilkinson III, said of the illegal deportation of Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia: “There is no question that the government screwed up here.” The judge, sitting in Virginia, added: “This should be shocking not only to judges, but to the intuitive sense of liberty that Americans far removed from courthouses still hold dear.”

Even deep in Trumpland, judges have been blistering.

Judge Fred Biery, source: TexasMonthly

District Judge Fred Biery, serving in Texas and ordering the release of a 5-year-old illegally detained by immigration authorities, didn’t hold back, for example. “Observing human behavior confirms that for some among us, the perfidious lust for unbridled power and the imposition of cruelty in its quest know no bounds and are bereft of human decency,” Biery, a 78-year-old Clinton appointee and grandfather, wrote in a three-page ruling. “And the rule of law be damned.”

Still other judges have taken aim directly at Trump.

U.S. District Judge William Young railed against the administration in a free-speech case involving pro-Palestinian protesters such as the Columbia student Mahmoud Khalil and Tufts student Rümeysa Öztürk. In his 161-page opinion, the Reagan appointee accused the president of violating “his sacred oath” to faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and . . . to the best of [his] Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States … by ignoring the Constitution’s command that the president take care that the laws be faithfully executed.”

Judge Young, source: Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly

Indeed, Young wrote that Trump favored muzzling free speech. “After all, the facts prove that the President himself approves truly scandalous and unconstitutional suppression of free speech on the part of two of his senior cabinet secretaries,” the judge thundered.

Young, who sits in Massachusetts, also took aim at Trump’s Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency, particularly its love of masks.

After hearing from a top ICE official, Young wrote that the court “rejects this testimony as disingenuous, squalid and dishonorable.”

“ICE goes masked for a single reason — to terrorize Americans into quiescence,” he contended. “Small wonder ICE often seems to need our respected military to guard them as they go about implementing our immigration laws. It should be noted that our troops do not ordinarily wear masks. Can you imagine a masked marine? It is a matter of honor — and honor still matters. To us, masks are associated with cowardly desperados and the despised Ku Klux Klan. In all our history we have never tolerated an armed masked secret police.”

Ouch.

Of course, to Trump the law is just an annoyance, a small obstacle to be overcome. And judges, to him, are lackeys in a system that just gets in his way. Beating the system and the judges is a kind of game that, if stretched out long enough, he is sure he can win or sidestep.

“The time has also come for Republicans to pass a tough new crime bill that imposes harsh penalties for dangerous repeat offenders, cracks down on rogue judges. We got rogue judges that are criminals. They are criminals, what they do to our country. The decisions that they hand down and hurt our country,” Trump said at a March 25 National Republican Congressional Committee event in Washington.

He previously called Supreme Court Justices who had ruled against him in a tariffs case “fools and lap dogs” for political opponents. “They’re very unpatriotic and disloyal to our Constitution. It’s my opinion that the court has been swayed by foreign interests and a political movement that is far smaller than people would ever think.”

He recently ratcheted up his language, saying that Justices Neil Gorsuch and Amy Coney Barrett “sicken me.” He had appointed both of them, but they joined four other Justices in ruling against him in the tariffs case. The majority held that Trump had illegally sought to authorize some levies under an emergency law that was not suited to the charges.

Justices Barrett and Gorsuch, source: National Law Journal

Such tariffs are a mainstay of Trump’s 18th century view of economics. After he lost that Supreme Court case, Trump just found other rules to rationalize the charges, albeit temporarily.

So much for respect for judges and the laws they are upholding.

The “lap dog” judges that “sicken” him on April 1 will be among the nine who will hear oral arguments on one of the hobbyhorses Trump rides to limit the rights of immigrants, birthright citizenship. Recall that the 14th Amendment to the Constitution, ratified in 1868, grants citizenship to everyone born in the U.S. (with a few exceptions, such as for children of diplomats).

Ever since then, it has been understood that the language of that amendment is clear and inarguable. Nonetheless, Trump on his first day back in office in January 2025 issued an executive order aimed at overturning that, holding that a child born to parents in the U.S. unlawfully is not entitled to citizenship.

Several judges have shot down Trump’s so-called EO.

“The plain language of the Citizenship Clause—as interpreted by the Supreme Court more than a century ago and routinely applied by all branches of government since then— compels a finding that the plaintiffs’ challenges to the EO are nearly certain to prevail,” one such judge, Leo Sorokin, wrote in enjoining enforcement of the order. “The Citizenship Clause speaks in plain and simple terms.”

As quoted by the judge, the amendment says: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.” And the judge then wrote: “The words chosen by the drafters and ratified by the states, understood ‘in their normal and ordinary’ way, United States v. Sprague, 282 U.S. 716, 731 (1931), bestow birthright citizenship broadly to persons born in the United States.”

Now, it will be up the Supreme Court to rule on whether Trump has the power to, in effect, rewrite the amendment.

Praising Sorokin’s ruling last July, former New Jersey Attorney General Matthew Platkin said he was “thrilled the district court again barred President Trump’s flagrantly unconstitutional birthright citizenship order from taking effect anywhere.” Platkin, who helped lead the suit the judge considered, added: “American-born babies are American, just as they have been at every other time in our Nation’s history … The President cannot change that legal rule with the stroke of a pen.”

Decades ago, an appeals court considering one of Judge Sirica’s orders about the Watergate tapes rejected efforts by Nixon’s lawyers to “refashion the Constitution” to suit him.

“Though the President is elected by nationwide ballot and is often said to represent all the people, he does not embody the nation’s sovereignty,” the court wrote. “He is not above the law’s commands. Sovereignty remains at all times with the people, and they do not forfeit through elections the right to have the law construed against and applied to every citizen.”

A No Kings Day protest, source: The New York Times

These days – and today happens to be the nation’s third “No Kings Day “– we are seeing once again whether a president is “above the law’s commands.” Sirica, one imagines, would be appalled by this president but likely would take heart from the many judges standing in the way of Trump’s monarchical impulses.

This dictator cosplay is tiresome

Trump’s scowling images make him look a bit ayatollahish, but also like a clown

Joseph Weber

Sources: iranintl.com

Perhaps Donald J. Trump and the new supreme leader of Iran, Mojtaba Khamenei, have more in common than they think.

Images of the younger ayatollah started flooding Tehran soon after he was anointed to succeed his assassinated father. Now, they seem to be ubiquitous, appearing in photos carried by demonstrators and on lightpoles. Soon, no doubt, we’ll see them on buildings, much as happened with the earlier two ayatollahs.

Sources: The Guardian

But Trump isn’t to be outdone. Posting his photo on buildings in Washington, D.C., isn’t enough for him. Now, he wants to project his strength and dominance on a commemorative gold coin and a circulating $1 coin.

Planned commemorative coin

Isn’t all this dictator cosplay just a bit tiresome?

Apparently not for Trump, whose egomania stretches back decades, perhaps to his damaged youth. Recall that the president’s niece, psychologist Mary Trump, described his upbringing as “malignantly dysfunctional,” calling his father, Fred Trump Sr., a”high-functioning sociopath” who crippled Donald emotionally. She argued Fred Sr. bullied Donald into becoming a “killer” before sending him off to military school at 13. There, instructors struck him if he misbehaved.

So, perhaps in some desperate bid for adulation, Trump strewed his name over all his businesses. He affixed it to casinos and hotels, even to steaks that his company unsuccessfully marketed (the casinos also went bust).

Source: ABC News

And, since he’s been in the White House — the second time — he has scattered his visage and name all over D.C. There’s the “The Donald J. Trump and The John F. Kennedy Memorial Center for the Performing Arts,” which is closing for a couple years amid defections of performers. We also have the “Donald J. Trump U.S. Institute for Peace,” which seems like an Orwellian joke these days (and which is defunct, with the building now serving mainly as a backdrop for ceremonies with foreign leaders). We also have glowering banners of Trump hanging on the Departments of Labor, Justice and Agriculture, something that the Daily Beast mocked as “Going Full North Korea.”

Source: NPR
Source: The New York Times

We have Trump’s likeness on National Park Passes, which the National Park Service warns will be voided if visitors paste stickers on Trump’s face. Less tangibly, his name graces TrumpRx, the pharmacy program that he promised would deliver the lowest prices in the world for patients. As The New York Times and three German news outlets found, however, drugs listed on TrumpRx “can cost American patients up to hundreds or thousands of dollars, while a patient walking into a German pharmacy pays next to nothing.”

Source: E&ENews PM

All this is more than just ego. Whether it’s an Iranian ayatollah, a North Korean dictator or the totalitarians of Germany and the Soviet Union of old, plastering the great leader’s image on buildings, coins and pretty much anywhere where much of the citizenry can’t avoid it is about power. If the leader is everywhere, he must be all-powerful, right?

On the other hand, it also shows how weak the figure might be. Steve Heller, a former art director for The New York Times and author of “Iron Fists: Branding the 20th Century Totalitarian State,” argued that even despots were dependent not only on brute force, but on harnessing popular support (or acquiescence) to preserve their monopolistic hold on power, as a scholar for Florida International University’s Wolfsonian Library has written. They need to stir the masses to keep up the illusion of their unassailable strength

“Consequently, totalitarian regimes created, reproduced, published, and distributed images of ‘the leader’ so ubiquitously as to transform these heads of states into venerated ‘brands,’ the FIU Library scholar wrote. That library holds thousands of items of propaganda from Soviet Russia, Fascist Italy, and Nazi Germany.

Of course, Trump was a brand as much as a person when he first coasted down the escalator into the presidency. His image as a tough guy and demanding boss was forged in his TV days in “The Apprentice.” As he ran for the White House, he added anger to the mix and that now largely defines him.

Consider “Operation Epic Fury,” the name Trump chose for the Iran War. As Peter Baker of The New York Times writes, the term captures much about how Trump seems to see himself and wants to be seen. “Everything Mr. Trump does, at least as he sees it, is epic — the biggest, the most, the first, ‘like we’ve never seen before,’ as he likes to say,” Baker notes. “And much of what he does seems to be driven by fury, a deep and abiding enmity toward the forces arrayed against him or those he blames for what he considers the downfall of the country under other presidents.”

And now, with the severe look he casts in the imagery on his posters and planned coins, he’s driving home this “take no prisoners” style. No grandfatherly smiles for Trump. A scowl is his preferred expression.

As Washington Post Style writer Philip Kennicott writes, the coin imagery reflects “recurring themes of resolution, anger and determination.” This contrasts with earlier displays in Trump’s digital trading cards and elsewhere that projected “vitality, competence, vision and sometimes even humor or irony.”

Trump’s Digital Trading Card Collection, Source: The Washington Post

Warrior and man-in-charge Trump has little use for humor, it seems. For the rest of us who are subjected to this cartoonish narcissism, humor may be the healthiest response. Really, all that’s missing from some of the Trump images is a dunce cap — or, perhaps, an ayatollah turban.

History’s oldest hatred

Jews in the U.S. are in danger because of people like Joe Kent

Joseph Weber

Source: Good Authority

For Joe Kent, who just quit as Donald J. Trump’s counterterrorism chief, it’s all about the Jews.

“I cannot in good conscience support the ongoing war in Iran,” he wrote in resigning as director of the National Counterterrorism Center. “Iran posed no imminent threat to our nation, and it is clear that we started this war due to pressure from Israel and its powerful American lobby.”

Then he went further. In his March 17 letter, which he posted on X, the Trump appointee blamed Jews – especially Israelis — for the 2003-2011 Iraq War, as well as the current Iran war.

“Early in this administration, high-ranking Israeli officials and influential members of the American media deployed a misinformation campaign that wholly undermined your America First platform and sowed pro-war sentiments to encourage a war with Iran,” he argued. “This echo chamber was used to deceive you into believing that Iran posed an imminent threat to the United States, and that should you strike now, there was a clear path to a swift victory. This was a lie and is the same tactic the Israelis used to draw us into the disastrous Iraq war that cost our nation the lives of thousands of our best men and women.”

It’s tempting, of course, to dismiss Kent’s diatribe as the ranting of yet another conspiracy theorist. That’s what critics called Kent during his confirmation hearing, after which he squeaked into his job on a 52-44 Senate vote.

After all, he argued that federal agents had instigated the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection at the Capitol and supported Trump’s claims that the 2020 election was stolen. Also, he was quite chummy with white supremacists, paying a Proud Boys member for consulting work when he ran for Congress in 2022.

There’s little doubt that Kent is a few fries short of a Happy Meal. With a sensible president and a less supine Senate, he wouldn’t have gotten past the Capitol Rotunda, much less into an important Administration position.

But, on the other hand, like too many in the tinfoil-hat set who have come out of the woodwork in recent years, Kent also is an antisemite, casually invoking longstanding anti-Jewish tropes. Somehow, the Jews manipulate non-Jews into wars with shadowy “misinformation,” he holds. Operating behind the scenes, they form an “echo chamber” that bends the ears of national leaders.

“His reference to Israel and claims about Jewish Americans’ political influence highlight Kent’s previous ties to antisemitism and right-wing extremism,” reported the Associated Press. “It’s an antisemitic trope to suggest Jewish Americans have disproportionate control of media narratives.”

To be sure, an aggressive approach to Iran is something that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has urged on American presidents for years, dating back at least to George W. Bush. It’s clear, too, that more recently the Israeli leader stepped up the pressure with an obliging Trump, pressing for military action at least as far back as last December, as The New York Times has reported.

Iranian missiles fired at Israel last June; source; Al Jazeera

And there’s no surprise in that. For Netanyahu and Israel, Iran has long been an existential threat. If the viciously antisemitic regime had a nuclear bomb, Israelis have every reason to believe it would use it against them. Indeed, that – and general nuclear deterrence – is why presidents going back to Bush have tried to contain the country’s nuclear efforts.

But don’t ignore the reality that the U.S. has long had skin in this game, too. Beyond the risks to the world of a theocratic repressive regime getting a nuclear bomb, the U.S. has long been a victim of Iran’s hatred of what it calls “the Great Satan,” with Israel as “the little Satan.” Since the 1979 revolution, the Iranians have badly bloodied America’s nose.

Recall that Iran supplied the I.E.D.s, or roadside bombs, that killed or maimed over 1,000 American troops during the war in Iraq. Consider its plots to assassinate former senior U.S. officials, including John BoltonMike Pompeo and Trump himself. And remember that Iran backed the terrorists who in October 1983 killed 241 American Marines, sailors and others, and 58 French paratroopers who were in Beirut to keep the peace. The Iranians were also behind bombing the barracks for the United States Air Force 4404 Provisional Wing in Khobar, Saudi Arabia, killing 19 American airmen in 1996.

Iran has been acting out a slow-moving war against the U.S., as well as Israel, for decades, even as it sowed tumult across the region. “From Lebanon to Yemen and Syria to Iraq, the regime has armed, trained and funded terrorist militias that have soaked the earth with blood and guts,” Trump said in announcing his recent attack.

So, even if Netanyahu encouraged this war, the suggestion by Kent – and like-minded antisemites – that the Israeli leader is a puppet-master pulling Trump’s strings is crapola. Given reasonable fears about the country’s well-shielded nuclear research efforts, Trump had ample reason last June to attack Iran’s fortified facilities. And, with diplomatic moves to contain those efforts faltering, he had reason to attack again even more decisively.

In fact, Trump has been on Iran’s case for decades, as The Atlantic reported. In 1980, during the Iran hostage crisis, Trump agreed with a TV interviewer that “we should have gone in there with troops.” In 1987, The New York Times reported that Trump had told a New Hampshire audience that “the United States should attack Iran and seize some of its oil fields in retaliation for what he called Iran’s bullying of America.” In 1988, Trump told a Guardian interviewer that if he were a political leader, he’d be “harsh on Iran,” Later, in 2013, Trump tweeted “maybe we should knock the hell out of Iran and their nuclear capabilities?”

Soon after assuming the Presidency the first time, he scrapped the Obama administration’s nuclear deal (2018) and then assassinated Qassem Soleimani, a notorious leader of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (2020).

Admittedly, when Trump announced the current series of attacks in a far-too-short and unpersuasive video, he pointed to the 2023 atrocities in Israel to help make his case. “And it was Iran’s proxy, Hamas, that launched the monstrous Oct. 7 attacks on Israel, slaughtering more than 1,000 innocent people, including 46 Americans, while taking 12 of our citizens hostage,” Trump said. “It was brutal, something like the world has never seen before.”

But recall that it was Israel, of course, that responded with extraordinary force against Hamas in Gaza after the Oct. 7th monstrousness, losing many Israeli lives and taking far more Palestinian ones in the process. And it now is responding with force against another Iranian proxy, Hezbollah, in Lebanon, putting more Israelis at risk. It can shoulder its own burdens, albeit with plenty of American military materiel.

The problem, however, is that people like Kent will fuel the already feverish antisemitism on the rise in the U.S. He and his ilk will drive the notion that Americans are being put at risk to fight Israel’s battle, a fight in which they don’t see a stake for America. That notion could put Jews across the country at even greater risk.

And that risk has been growing. The troubles in the Middle East have put every synagogue – indeed, every American Jew — in the crosshairs for anyone seeking to lash out.

Michigan synagogue attacked by Ghazali; source KTLA

Consider Ayman Mohamad Ghazali, a naturalized U.S. citizen born in Lebanon. He drove a truck on March 11 into a Michigan synagogue filled with young children, apparently to avenge the deaths of four of his relatives who were killed in an Israeli airstrike on March 5. One of Ghazali’s brothers, it turned out, was a Hezbollah commander.

Last June, in Boulder, Colorado, a man hurled homemade incendiary devices and used a flamethrower to attack people gathered at a rally supporting the release of Israeli hostages held in Gaza. Fifteen people were hurt and one later died. The suspect, 45-year-old Mohamed Sabry Soliman, said he’d been planning the attack for a year and that he had no regrets, instead “wished they were all dead.”

Less than a month before, on May 21, two Israeli embassy employees—Yaron Lischinsky, 30, and Sarah Lynn Milgrim, 26—were shot and killed outside the Capital Jewish Museum in Washington, D.C., shortly after attending an event hosted by the American Jewish Committee. The murderer, Elias Rodriguez, said “I did it for Gaza” and “Free Palestine,” a witness told CNN.

According to the State of Antisemitism in America 2024 report, published in February 2025, 33 percent of American Jews said they have been the personal target of antisemitism, in-person or virtually, at least once over the prior year.

The rise of reported antisemitic incidents in the U.S. has followed a wider trend, as Time reported. According to the Anti-Defamation League, surveys show that “anti-Jewish sentiments are at an all-time high globally.” A report published in January 2025 found that 46 percent of the world’s adult population “harbors deeply entrenched antisemitic attitudes,” equating to an estimated 2.2 billion people worldwide.

Much of such antisemitism is not physical. Much has come in antisemitic hate speech on social media platforms such as TikTok and Instagram.

“However, we shouldn’t be surprised that in a climate where all kinds of hatred and harassment are being normalized, eventually it spills over into deadly violence. It’s horrifying,” Mark Oppenheimer, a professor of practice at Washington University and editor of Arc: Religion, Politics, Et Cetera, told Time.

Whether Trump acted precipitously in joining with Netanyahu to launch this war is something we won’t know for a long time. Their endgame hasn’t been clear, with shifting explanations and goals. And we don’t know how long Trump – and war-averse Americans – will keep up the effort to get to some such endgame.

But, in the meantime, Jews around the world – and particularly in the U.S. and Israel – are in danger. And such peril begins with attitudes such as those of Joe Kent.

The cost of hubris

Trump’s war on Iran so far has failed to deliver his expected quick win

Joseph Weber

Bonaparte’s retreat from Russia, source: Not Even Past

When Napoleon Bonaparte drove his “Grande Armée” – Europe’s most powerful military force – into Russia in 1812, it seemed impossible that the continent’s seemingly invincible leader could fail.

Surely, Russia’s Tsar Alexander I would comply with Bonaparte’s economic blockade of longtime enemy England. Certainly, Russia would give up its designs on Poland. The war, Napoleon bet, would last maybe a month and would leave France towering above all its enemies.

Sound familiar?

Donald J. Trump on March 1 suggested that his war on Iran would last “four to five weeks.” Just under halfway into that timeline, on March 13, the president struck a different tone, saying the war would end “when I feel it, feel it in my bones.” He added that the U.S. has “virtually unlimited ammunition…. We can go forever.”

“Forever?” Is that what he has in mind now?

Bonaparte’s excursion – a term Trump now uses, calling the Iran War a “little excursion” – ultimately led to the loss of much of his army, his abdication and his exile to Elba in 1814. The French leader had leveled much of Moscow, but the Russians in time rebuilt the city and their country. France was humbled.

Such are the miscalculations of hubris.

Nobody knows how Trump’s war on Iran will turn out, of course. Maybe he’ll wind up with a pliable government, à la Venezuela, as he has speculated. But, with the selection of Mojtaba Khamenei, the son of the assassinated Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, as Supreme Leader, that seems unlikely in the short run. Certainly, the “unconditional surrender” Trump demanded hasn’t happened.

Posters of the father-and-son ayatollahs, source: Wall Street Journal

Indeed, as analyst Karim Sadjadpour of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace has written in The Atlantic, the Iranians are digging in. Trump has “spawned a budding Iranian Kim Jong Un” in the younger Khamenei, creating “a hereditary dictatorship poised to double down on ideology and repression.”

In fact, Sadjadpour argued, this Khamenei may prove more intransigent and bloodthirsty now that Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu have killed his family. For this new leader and his governing circle, this war will be deeply personal.

Of course, it may be that the Israelis will kill off the new leader, just as they were able to destroy his family. When asked about what actions Israel might take against Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei and Hezbollah chief Naim Qassem, Netanyahu issued a not-so-veiled threat, as Reuters reported: “I wouldn’t issue life insurance policies on any of the leaders of the terrorist organization … I don’t intend ​to provide an exact report here about what we are planning or what we are going ​to do.”

The reason the younger Khamenei survived the assault on his family by Israeli weapons appears to have been accidental. He was taking a walk in the garden when the bombs and missiles fell, perhaps suffering a leg injury.

It may be that Iran’s leaders, feeling as crippled by the war as Khamenei may be, will ultimately yield to relentless air assaults by the U.S. and Israel. But, so far, they’ve shown no sign of capitulating, denying even any interest in a truce or some sort of “deal,” as Trump has suggested. Trump told NBC News on Saturday that Iran was ready “to make a deal, and I don’t want to make it because the terms aren’t good enough yet.”

But on Sunday, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi denied that. “No, we never asked for a ceasefire, and we have never asked even for negotiation. We are ready to defend ourselves as long as it takes,” Araghchi told CBS News’s Face the Nation.

For both sides in this fight, words are cheap, of course. And bluster is part of the game.

At least for now, though, the Iranian public hasn’t risen up in revolution, as Trump urged in the war’s opening days. And the Iranian military is busy sending missiles across the region, attacking an array of Arab states that are allied with the U.S. Tehran’s leaders also likely greenlighted the Hezbollah attacks on Israel from Lebanon, rocket assaults that have triggered a fierce Israeli response – opening a second front in this war that now includes a ground assault by Israeli soldiers.

What’s more, the Iranians are striking the U.S. and the West economically. Their shutdown of ships carrying oil and natural gas through the Strait of Hormuz has thrust oil markets into a maelstrom, driving up gas prices for Americans and others. Europeans, whom Trump has long scorned and alienated for other reasons, so far have not taken up his call to help unblock the strait. “This is not our war, we have not started it,” German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius told reporters Monday.

So, just how this all will play out is far from clear. Journalist Bret Stephens has suggested that regime change or “modification” isn’t impossible, that a cease-fire could yet be agreed on, or that Iran could descend into a civil war like Syria’s, complete with refugees spread across the region. He has suggested more American force may be needed, perhaps in seizing a critical Iranian asset, Kharg Island, which serves as the terminal for roughly 90 percent of Iran’s oil exports.

Kharg Island, source: The Guardian

“American control would give the administration the whip hand over most of the regime’s remaining revenues, including its ability to pay salaries for soldiers and civil servants alike,” Stephens has argued. “That could help clarify to even the most hard-line elements in the regime whether it is really worth it to enrich uranium or send more munitions to Hezbollah in Lebanon so they can be destroyed by Israel.”

So far, Trump has resisted sending American forces into Iran. But the Pentagon has deployed as many as 2,500 Marines to the Middle East in what suggests a change in Trump’s approach. They could soon find themselves battling an Iranian military backed by a regime convinced this is an existential fight to stay in power.

Could the Iran War devolve into a quagmire akin to Iraq, which led to a long costly occupation? Or worse, Afghanistan, the failed war that lasted two decades? Or will this “little excursion” of Trump’s end in his hoped-for three weeks or so? Will it end with some sort of stalemate, akin to the Korean War, with a Kim Jong Un clone at the helm of an implacable enemy?

The truth, of course, is that no one has a clue. And perhaps the most clueless of all is Donald J. Trump. Even as he remains sequestered in Washington or Mar-a-Lago, he may find that bluster, bravado and even the most powerful military in the world can’t deliver his expected quick win. Certainly, that’s what the consummately arrogant French leader of long ago found out.