About Joe Weber

Now the Jerry and Karla Huse Professor Emeritus at the University of Nebraska's College of Journalism and Mass Communications, I worked 35 years in magazines and newspapers. I spent most of that time, 22 years, at BUSINESS WEEK Magazine, leaving in August 2009 as chief of correspondents. So far, I have worked in central New Jersey, New York City, Denver, Dallas, Philadelphia, Toronto, Chicago, Beijing, Shanghai and Lincoln, Nebraska. The adventure continues.

Videogames?

Trump’s marketers are falling short in selling the Iran war

Joseph Weber

Source: The Library of Congress

Convincing Americans that war in distant lands is necessary has often been a tough job.

World War I posters urged citizens to enlist in the Army to “destroy this mad brute,” the German who threatened civilization, and to “Halt the Hun!” by buying bonds. World War II posters delivered similar messages, depicting fists smashing swastikas. And, of course, Uncle Sam encouraged enlistments with the classic “I Want You” imagery.

Source: Chicago Tribune

Today, the Trump Administration faces an especially tough job in selling Americans on its war against Iran. More than half of our countrymen oppose the war (56 percent in a new Marist poll, nearly six out of 10 in a slightly older CNN poll). Marist found that only 36 percent of U.S. residents approve of how Donald J. Trump is dealing with Iran. That’s down from January of 2020, during a period of heightened tension, when 42 percent of Americans approved of the president’s approach.

So, how is the administration marketing its new war effort? It seems to be a matter of conflicting language from Trump and his acolytes, a bizarre sense of theatrics and a reliance on videogames — yes, videogames.

In one video released on X, the administration uses clips from the videogame “Call to Duty” interspersed with imagery of the destruction of Iranian facilities. In another, called “Justice the American Way,” it features scenes from Ironman, Gladiator, Braveheart, Top Gun Maverick, Better Call Saul, John Wick, Tropic Thunder, Superman, Breaking Bad, Transformers, Deadpool, Star Wars and Mortal Combat, along with real bombing scenes.

Nothing about the real threats Iran poses to the West. Nothing invoking patriotism or asking Americans to sacrifice or chip in. Just macho imagery that shows war as a game, something thrilling that is led by the most manly men of them all.

The “Justice” clip opens with a scene from Iron Man with Tony Stark played by Robert Downey Jr. in his lair. “Wake up, daddy’s home,” Downey says. If you aren’t sure who “daddy” is, the clip ends with a logo for “The White House” and “President Donald J. Trump.”

Dunderheaded? Self-glorifying? Juvenile? These are just some of the words that come to mind. There are others, of course:

“War is not a video game,” Joshua Reed Eakle, a board member of Project Liberal, wrote on X. “The parents of the half a dozen American service members who already lost their lives can attest to that.” He called the “Call to Duty” ripoff “morally abhorrent” and “despicable messaging from the White House.”

And there was this from a commenter on TMZ: “Such poor taste. This is not a game or a joke. Can’t wait until this administration is just an ugly mark on US history.”

But it’s more than just a matter of bad taste. Trump and his minions are either blind to the human misery they cause or even exult in it. More than 1,000 Iranians have died already, according to some reports. They include a reported 175 people, many of whom were schoolgirls, at a school that it appears American weapons destroyed. Not a whisper of regret has come from Trump or Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, who merely said the attack is under investigation.

At least a half-dozen Americans have been killed in Iranian military responses, which occasioned bizarre comments from both Trump and Hegseth (who styles himself as the far more gladiatorial “Secretary of War.”)

After the first three American deaths were reported, Trump told NBC News: “We have three, but we expect casualties, but in the end it’s going to be a great deal for the world.”

“A great deal?” Spoken like the true dealmaker who sees human costs as just another line item.

Then in a video posted to social media, as CNN reported, Trump again seemed to ask for people’s understanding about the need for such deaths. “And sadly, there will likely be more [deaths] before it ends,” Trump said, before adding: “That’s the way it is. Likely be more.”

“That’s the way it is?”

During a briefing at the Pentagon, Hegseth criticized the media for supposedly focusing too much on the dead soldiers in an effort to make Trump “look bad.” He suggested those deaths were getting disproportionate play, compared to the military’s successes.

“But when a few drones get through or tragic things happen, it’s front-page news,” Hegseth said. “I get it; the press only wants to make the president look bad. But try for once to report the reality.”

It’s as if they both are gamer bros, for whom casualties are just parts of videogame kill tallies – certainly not worth even reporting. The administration seem to have stacked its propaganda arms with twentysomethings who spend their lives in front of computers, out of touch with reality. Their aim, it seems, is less to gin up support for an unpopular war and more to glorify its perpetrators, themselves.

But can this media strategy – such as it is — succeed? And who are they reaching beyond the incels whose blinkered lives don’t include much real human contact? Are they trying to recruit them into our military?

Certainly, many in the West — and in Israel — would like to see real change in Iran. A government that rejects terrorism, accepts a multi-religious and multi-ethnic Middle East and ends any nuclear ambitions would be an ideal outcome. But how likely is that? How likely is this war to drive such fundamental change?

Bizarre as the Trump media approach is, in its confusion and naivete it seems to mirror a similar befuddlement about the objectives of the war itself. Seeking regime change, Trump has repeatedly urged Iranians to rise up and overthrow their government. But Hegseth has denied that aim, instead saying it’s all about destroying “the missile threat” from Iran, obliterating its navy and leaving it with “no nukes.”

And Trump more recently has argued that Iran would “soon” have missiles that could hit targets inside the United States. As he did so, Secretary of State Marco Rubio suggested that administration officials knew Israel was going to strike Iran, which would lead to counterattacks against U.S. forces and potential casualties. So, it decided to strike first to minimize the risk.

“We knew there was going to be an Israeli action, we knew that that would precipitate an attack against American forces, and we knew that if we didn’t preemptively go after them before they launched those attacks, we would suffer higher casualties,” Rubio said.

Rubio later backtracked, saying “I was asked very specifically… did we go in because of Israel? I said no, this had to happen anyway.”

Of course, the war has given antisemites plenty of ammunition to paint Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as the Rasputin who pushed Trump into the war, as the prime minister unsuccessfully tried to do with prior presidents.

Source: Aish

The Anti-Defamation League warned that “antisemitic and anti-Zionist groups are framing the U.S.-Israel operation against the Iranian regime as the latest evidence of the so-called ‘Zionist war-machine’s’ efforts to co-opt American foreign policy to advance Israeli and/or Jewish interests.” The ADL added that “Influencers who regularly traffic in antisemitic or anti-Zionist rhetoric are leveraging the U.S.-Israel operation… to promote longstanding conspiracy theories about Israel, such as blaming Israel for 9/11.”

As the Times of Israel reported, “These accusations are coming from far-right and far-left accounts as well as anti-Israel groups, such as Students for Justice in Palestine, that are inclined to discredit Israel. An SJP Instagram post read: ‘Imperialism and Zionism are one enemy — the common enemy of the entire region, and indeed, the people of the world.’”

Such accusations build on statements by both Democrats and Republicans that the war serves Israel’s interests more than America’s.

“A war between Israel and Iran may be good for Netanyahu’s domestic politics, but it will likely be disastrous for both the security of Israel, the United States, and the rest of the region,” Sen. Chris Murphy, a Connecticut Democrat, said. “We have no obligation to follow Israel into a war we did not ask for and will make us less safe.”

Republican influencer Tucker Carlson, who reportedly met with Trump three times in the weeks preceding the war, implied in an interview with U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee that Trump was threatening to strike Iran at the behest of Israel — a sentiment Huckabee slammed as “offensive.” The New York Times later reported that Carlson urged Trump to “restrain” Netanyahu, saying that Israel’s desire to attack Iran “was the only reason the United States was even considering a strike.”

For his part, Trump has said the drive for the war came the other way around. Asked if Israel had pushed the U.S. into the strikes, he said, “No, I might have forced their hands,” referring to Israel. The Iranians, he said, “were going to attack. If we didn’t do it, they were going to attack first. I felt strongly about that.”

Meanwhile, Trump drew on his experience in his quick-hit strike on Venezuela to sketch out how a post-war Iran should look. He told Axios that “I have to be involved in the appointment” of Khamenei’s successor, and that the late leader’s 56-year-old son “is unacceptable to me,” and “a light weight.”

“We want someone that will bring harmony and peace to Iran,” Trump said. He added that he must “be involved in the appointment, like with Delcy in Venezuela.” The acting president of Venezuela is Delcy Rodríguez, who Trump says is “doing a great job.”

“Harmony and peace,” sure.

Just how this war will turn out remains a huge question, of course. But it is likely that many more people will die and that Trump and his minions will remain just as callous to that as they have been so far.

Despite how the Trumpies see it, this war is no game. Real people are dying. Real uncertainty clouds the future. A bit more reality would be welcome in Washington.

Shed no tears

But Khamenei’s death is just the beginning of this Iran War

Joseph Weber

Source: Charlie Hebdo

Few in the West will shed a tear for Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. And it is little wonder that even in Tehran cheering broke out as news of the murderous 86-year-old cleric’s death spread.

But it’s far from clear that the missiles from Israel that did him in — along with a good cross-section of the country’s top leadership — will bring revolutionary change or, ultimately, peace.

Consider the many unknowns various commentators say now face the Middle East and the world as a result of this ongoing joint U.S.-Israeli assault on Iran.

“U.S. intelligence officials have assessed that the power vacuum could result in hard-line factions of the Revolutionary Guards seizing control,” The New York Times editorialized. “The risks of civil war, internal slaughter and regional instability are profound.”

And reflect on this insight from a longtime observer quoted in The New Yorker:

“Khamenei’s death creates a moment of genuine uncertainty, but it does not automatically translate into immediate regime collapse,” said Hamidreza Azizi, an Iranian political scientist at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs in Berlin. “The Islamic Republic anticipated a day-after scenario for a long time and built overlapping institutions capable of maintaining continuity, particularly within the security and military establishment.”

Even the hawkish editorialists at The Wall Street Journal acknowledge the looming uncertainties: “The larger gamble is regime change, and no one knows if this will happen.”

Source: WION

Gamble, indeed.

Still, Donald J. Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu, through their extraordinary militaries, have rid the world of a vile tyrant whose quiet gardener’s demeanor belied an exceptional viciousness, both toward his own people and outsiders, especially Americans and Jews.

Give some thought to just a few of the many atrocities Iran’s government perpetrated under Khamenei, who claimed direct descent from the Prophet Muhammad and held himself out as a devout and learned holy man but who commanded legions of thugs.

  • Just recently, in January, Iranian gunmen killed at least 7,000 anti-government protesters in Iran, though some sources say the number could top 30,000.
  • Four years ago, when the “Woman, Life, Freedom” Movement began after a woman who declined to wear the hijab died in “morality police” custody, Khamenei’s regime killed up to 551 people, including 68 minors, when they protested. On just one day, September 30, 2022, “Bloody Friday,” 104 people were killed during the protests following Friday prayers in the city of Zahedan.
  • Iran also supplied the I.E.D.s, or roadside bombs, that killed or maimed over 1,000 American troops during the war in Iraq, as New York Times columnist Bret Stephens reported. It also sought to assassinate former senior U.S. officials, including John BoltonMike Pompeo and, according to a 2024 report in Politico, Trump himself.
  • In 2004, the regime erected a monument in Tehran commemorating the “martyrs” — whom it had bankrolled — who in October 1983 killed American Marines and French paratroopers who were in Beirut to keep the peace. One killer crashed an explosives-laden truck through the front gates of a U.S. Marine barracks. In all, 241 Marines, sailors and others died, representing the largest loss of life in a single day for the Marine Corps since the Battle of Iwo Jima in 1945. Then, within moments, a second suicide bomber drove into the barracks of a French paratrooper detachment nearby. The explosion killed 58 soldiers. Khamenei’s predecessor presided over these obscenities.
  • Under Khamenei, in 1996 terrorists set off a bomb outside the barracks for the United States Air Force 4404 Provisional Wing in Khobar, Saudi Arabia. Nineteen American airmen were killed and 498 people were wounded, most of them Saudis and foreign guest workers. A U.S. court in 2020 ordered Iran to pay $879 million to survivors (fat chance of collecting on that).
  • Over decades, Iran has spent hundreds of millions of dollars bankrolling terrorist groups including Hezbollah, Hamas and militant groups in Iraq, Syria, Bahrain, and elsewhere throughout the Middle East.
  • And, of course, until the U.S. attacked its nuclear facilities last June, Iran had boosted its stockpile of highly enriched uranium. It had enriched some 972 pounds of uranium up to 60 percent purity, according to estimates from the International Atomic Energy Agency. It wasn’t far from developing enough for multiple bombs.

Trump wasn’t off the mark when, in a Truth Social post, he wrote that Khamenei was “one of the most evil people in history.”

Source: Caledonian Record

Surely Trump was right, moreover, in saying: “This is not only Justice for the people of Iran, but for all Great Americans, and those people from many Countries throughout the World, that have been killed or mutilated by Khamenei and his gang of bloodthirsty THUGS.”

But how realistic are Trump and Netanyahu about how this all will play out?

They both have called on the Iranian people to overthrow the Islamist regime that has ruled them since the 1979 revolution. But how can a public without weapons — beyond their lives — do that? Can they resist — or, better, turn — an army believed to number more than a half-million men? Can they win over deeply entrenched intelligence forces who know they’ll be strung up from the lampposts if the public prevails?

“Despite early tactical achievements, the central question remains unresolved: what is the endgame?” asked Danny Citrinowicz, a former longtime Israel Defense Intelligence officer now with the Atlantic Council’s Middle East programs. “Can external military pressure realistically rely on an Iranian public that lacks cohesive leadership, particularly when facing a regime that has operated for forty-seven years under the disciplined control of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)?”

It’s likely that the Iranian regime, confronting an existential threat, won’t be timid in responding. Already, it has sent scores of missiles into Israel and into Arab states that aid the U.S. It could easily activate its proxies to inflict hefty costs on Westerners in Europe and, perhaps, even in the U.S.

Does Trump, a man given to impulsive actions, have what it takes to prosecute what could be a long and far bloodier war? And what happens if it touches the American home front?

“Trump’s targeting of Iran’s leadership will almost certainly lead to attempts to target Trump and other top U.S. officials,” wrote Thomas S. Warrick, a nonresident senior fellow in the Scowcroft Middle East Security Initiative and a former deputy assistant secretary for counterterrorism policy in the U.S .Department of Homeland Security. “The Secret Service, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and the U.S. Capitol Police will all be tested in the coming weeks and can afford zero failures. Iran will try every cyber trick it can mount, testing the Department of Homeland Security, the private sector, and U.S cyber defenses.”

Naively, perhaps, Trump is looking toward a far shorter war. As he told The New York Times, “Well, we intended four to five weeks.”

“It won’t be difficult,” Trump added. “We have tremendous amounts of ammunition. You know, we have ammunition stored all over the world in different countries.”

But Trump said he hoped Iran’s elite military forces — including hardened officers of the IRGC — would simply turn over their weapons to the Iranian populace. As the newspaper pointed out, however, those same security forces — in particular, the Basij, which organizes local militia — opened fire on protesters in January, killing thousands.

Trump seems to think Iran will turn out to be like the quick fix he engineered in Venezuela. Never mind that Venezuela’s defense infrastructure was weak while Iran still holds a massive, diverse missile stockpile, a sophisticated drone network and a military that can reach far around the region. Or that the theocratic state has a highly motivated ideological base.

Unlike Trump — whose military experience consisted of dodging the draft during the Vietnam War — the Prussian military theorist Carl von Clausewitz in the 1800s knew a lot about international conflict. “War is the realm of uncertainty; three quarters of the factors on which action in war is based are wrapped in a fog of greater or lesser uncertainty,” he said.

And then there is a tart comment attributed to Niccolò Machiavelli: “Wars begin when you will, but they do not end when you please.”

Someone will take Khamenei’s place, of course. And he will control a weakened but still well-armed country whose regime now has its back against the wall. Just how that will turn out — both in the short and long run — is a massive unknown.

It is true, as the Times’s Stephens wrote, that it is impossible to imagine anything like Mideast peace without the end of this regime. But will that be the way this all goes?

Sliding into brutality

Trump’s masked legions seem like a secret police force, American style

Joseph Weber

Dzerzhinsky and fellow Checka agents, source: History

After Vladimir Lenin, leader of the Bolshevik party in the Soviet Union, was seriously wounded in an assassination attempt in 1918, the party turned to its secret police, the Checka. It had the agency launch a program of state violence called the “Red Terror.”

As History reports, the so-called “All-Russian Emergency Commission for Combatting Counter-Revolution and Sabotage” under leader Feliks Dzerzhinsky proclaimed that “anyone who dares to spread the slightest rumor against the Soviet regime will be arrested immediately and sent to a concentration camp.”

Almost immediately, though, mass shootings and hangings without trial began. “Being the wrong kind of person (a priest, a hungry food hoarder) or being in the wrong place at the wrong time or simply possessing a firearm was enough to earn someone a death sentence from newly formed revolutionary tribunals,” the outlet reports.

That launched the “shadow of state terror” over the Russian population that endures today.

Now, with another assassination-attempt survivor, Donald J. Trump, are we seeing a reincarnation of the Checka? Is the American form coming in the ever-expanding U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Border Patrol agencies?

Source: Politico

Tens of thousands of masked, armed personnel in fatigues now roam around American streets. They racially profile people as they boost the numbers of deportees daily. And a growing number of people are dying at their hands.

Just how different are they from the brutes used by Lenin, Stalin, Putin and other totalitarians?

The numbers of those killed at the hands of the Checka and successor outfits, such as the NKVD and the KGB, are enormous, of course. In numerical terms, there’s no comparison.

But one wonders if the rising numbers of deaths of people grabbed up by the U.S. agencies amount to a difference in magnitude, not kind. And one can only wonder what the coming three years will hold.

Already, we have seen the murders in Minneapolis of Alex Pretti and Renee Good at the hands of federal agents. State officials in Minnesota are probing those cases with an eye toward prosecution of the killers. But they are getting no help from federal authorities, who would rather give the agents free hands to do as they wish.

And now we have the death of a disabled man in Buffalo, New York, as a result of what the city’s mayor called “unprofessional and inhumane” conduct by U.S. Customs and Border Protection.

Nurul Amin Shah Alam, a nearly blind 56-year-old Rohingya refugee from Myanmar, was found dead in a downtown street five days after agents released him from custody on a winter night, shoeless in the freezing rain.

Mourner for Shah Alam, source: Reuters

City police had arrested Shah Alam on Feb. 15, 2025, after he had wandered onto private property, and he was held for a year in a county holding center on charges of assaulting an officer and trespassing. He spoke no English. His son told CNN Shah Alam’s problems arose from a misunderstanding, adding that the man pleaded guilty to misdemeanor charges in a plea deal to settle the case and avoid deportation.

Because Border Patrol had lodged an “immigration detainer” after Shah Alam’s arrest, however, the police turned him over to the agency on Feb. 19. Border Patrol quickly decided that as a legal refugee Shah “was not amenable to removal,” and as a “courtesy” — the agency said — the agents dropped him off in the parking lot of a closed Tim Horton’s coffee shop.

Shah Alam wore no shoes, only orange booties from the detention center, when he was dropped off, according to Buffalo Mayor Sean Ryan. A few days later, on Feb. 24, the man’s body was found on a downtown street. A city spokesperson said his death appeared health-related, though autopsy results have not been released.

“The preventable death of Nurul Amin Shah Alam is deeply disturbing and a dereliction of duty by the U.S. Customs and Border Protection,” the mayor said. “A vulnerable man — nearly blind and unable to speak English — was left alone on a cold winter night with no known attempt to leave him in a safe, secure location. That decision from U.S. Customs and Border Protection was unprofessional and inhumane.”

The case raises a host of troubling questions. Why didn’t Border Patrol contact Shah Alam’s family to pick him up? Why did agents, instead, release him in the chilly night, barely protected from a freezing rain? How could such agents be so callous and heartless to a man who couldn’t even speak to them, couldn’t even see them?

And is this the sort of intimidating and chilling action one might expect from an authoritarian secret police, rather than a U.S. federal agency? Is this really the American way of law enforcement?

Disturbing as these headline-grabbing deaths are, they are far from isolated cases. At least 32 people died in ICE custody last year, according to The Texas Tribune. Inadequate medical care, along with suicide, homicide and abuse by staff, seem to be mostly to blame. And these figures don’t account for the unknown number of deaths of deportees, though in past years scores have been reported after being sent to countries such as El Salvador.

So far, Trump’s deportation machine has expelled an estimated 540,000 people since he took office, according to Brookings. While Trump and his minions insist they are rounding up the “worst of the worst,” at least one-third of people arrested do not have a criminal record.

Now, as the agencies rush to buy warehouses to convert them into detention centers across the U.S., the numbers of deportees will surely rise. So, too, it seems likely that the body count will climb. As The New York Times reported, the Trump administration aims to expand its “detention footprint” to at least 100,000 beds.

“Of the roughly 20 warehouses being eyed for purchase, at least eight have already been bought in states including Maryland, Georgia, Texas and Pennsylvania, according to internal Department of Homeland Security documents obtained by The New York Times,” the newspaper reported.

The Trump government is also busily expanding the numbers of agents in its masked and armed ranks. As of early 2026, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has over 22,000 officers and agents nationwide, while U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) employs over 20,000 Border Patrol agents. Total personnel within CBP tops 60,000.

Minneapolis protesters, source: CNN

But there is some good news. Unlike the Soviet Union and elsewhere, in the U.S. many Americans – both ordinary citizens and officials – are resisting the growth of Trump’s armed and masked legions. Local citizens have been pushing back on the warehouse-detention center efforts. As the Times reports, some purchases collapsed in recent weeks in other areas as potential sellers faced mounting public backlash and canceled sales.

And, of course, many Americans have taken to the streets to document abuses by government agents in places such as Minneapolis, for now at least able to demonstrate the freedoms Americans have to resist illegal activities by authorities. Courageous judges, too, have been standing in the way of some actions, such as a federal judge in Boston who blocked government efforts to deport people to countries with which they have no connection.

In a Feb. 25 order, U.S. District Judge Brian Murphy said the so-called third-country removal policy “is not fine, nor is it legal,” citing individual rights to due process enshrined under the U.S. Constitution. He noted that the deportees could become “targets of persecution and oppression around the globe.”

A day later, Denver Mayor Mike Johnston issued an executive order directing police in his city to intervene during clashes involving federal immigration officers, as The Colorado Sun reported. Johnston said city police are obliged to protect people’s civil rights and aid Denver residents.

Johnston’s order also requires local police to identify and record ICE agents using body cameras when “tactically safe,” and confirms the Denver Police Department will investigate criminal allegations made against ICE agents, the news outlet reported.

Nationally, Democrats are demanding changes to ICE procedures or they will continue withholding funds from the Department of Homeland Security, which has led to a partial government shutdown.

The Democrats want immigration agents to remove masks, turn on their body cameras, and wear visible, clear identification. They want no more roving patrols, an end to racial profiling and to random arrests. They want agents to obtain a judicial warrant signed by a neutral judge—not an administrative warrant—to enter private property. And they want agents to stop detaining Americans and using excessive force against peaceful protesters.

Certainly, they don’t want federal agents behaving like those in New York City who lied their way into an apartment block to arrest a Columbia University undergraduate. Five plainclothes immigration agents arrived at the university-owned apartment building of the student and demanded to be let inside, said Claire Shipman, the acting president of Columbia, in a statement released Feb. 26.

As The New York Times reported, the officers falsely told the building superintendent that they were from the Police Department and said that they were searching for a missing child. The superintendent let the officers in where they grabbed up the student, Elmina Aghayeva, Shipman said.

At the request of Mayor Zohran Mamdani, Trump ordered her released — for now. The Department of Homeland Security said it had arrested Aghayeva because her “student visa was terminated in 2016 under the Obama administration for failing to attend classes.” Calling her an “illegal alien,” the department added that her deportation case remained active.

“ICE placed her in removal proceedings and she has been released while she waits for her hearing,” it said.

So, the threat looms over this Azerbaijan native, just as it does over the rest of America.

And when the administration can’t rely on brute force alone, it tries to misuse the courts to get its way. For instance, Attorney General Pam Bondi on Feb. 27 announced federal charges against 30 more people accused of civil rights violations in a January protest inside a Minnesota church where a pastor works for ICE.

As PBS reported, Bondi said on social media that 25 people were in custody and more arrests would follow. The new indictment comes a month after independent journalists Don Lemon and Georgia Fort and local activist Nekima Levy Armstrong were charged for their alleged roles in a protest at Cities Church in St. Paul.

Democrats in Washington, like many other Americans, are fed up with such antics and with the brutality of ICE. Polling shows that most Americans disapprove of ICE’s tactics. They have no use for an American Checka.

So far, however, the Trump Administration seems more inspired by the totalitarians.

Will the forces of civility and law prevail? With three years to go under Trump and the expansion of his deportation efforts in full swing, the signs are hardly encouraging.

Come on down

Donald J. Trump hits new lows in his State of the Union Address

Joseph Weber

Drew Carey, source: People.com

If Drew Carey tires of his gig at “The Price Is Right” and we all survive the coming three years, perhaps Donald J. Trump will find his true calling in asking contestants to “Come on Down.”

Certainly, that was the ethos for much of Trump’s gimmicky State of the Union Address. His mixture of economic lies, Democrat-baiting and a despicable abuse of crime victims, blended with the monarchical bestowal of national awards, carried the tiresome whiff of a game-show. Certainly, it was no sober speech to the nation appropriate for a president.

“Donald Trump held court in the House of Representatives and said little of substance, but substance wasn’t the point,” Tom Nichols of The Atlantic wrote. “This year, he intended to put on a show, with an array of guest stars and special appearances. He was happy because he was playing the roles he clearly loves: game-show host, ringmaster, emcee, beneficent granter of wishes – and, where the Democrats were concerned, a self-righteous inquisitor.”

One of the less embarrassing — but nonetheless bizarre — moments came when Trump announced he would give the Presidential Medal of Freedom to Connor Hellebuyck, the goalie for Team USA in the Olympics.

Recall that past presidents have given the medal to folks such as the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jonas Salk, Simon Wiesenthal and Desmond Tutu, as well as talented entertainers such as Bruce Springsteen and Elvis Presley. Athletes with long careers of success, including Tiger Woods, Magic Johnson and Kareem Abdul-Jabbar, have also gotten it. Typically, such awards were bestowed in private ceremonies at the White House.

But only Trump, ever keen for an audience, has chosen State of the Union Addresses as the stages for making such award announcements. He did so first in 2020 by bestowing the medal on right-wing radio provocateur Rush Limbaugh – loudly making a pandering political point — and following up with Hellebuyck this year. While the presentations would come later, Trump chose his national primetime addresses for the announcements, drawing the maximum attention.

After all, with Trump it’s all about attention, isn’t it?

Admittedly, there’s no argument about Hellebuyck’s performance in the U.S. team’s triumph over Canada. He had 41 saves and assisted in the game-winning overtime goal. Regarded as one of the best goalies in the NHL, he was awarded the Hart Memorial Trophy for the 2024-25 season as the league’s most valuable player. Ironically, the Michigan-born iceman plays for the Winnipeg Jets.

But was this really about the goalie and the hockey team?

Or was this Trump basking in their reflected glory in a made-for-TV feel-good moment, one replete with a grand entrance by the team? (“Come on Down”) Was this Trump showing how, even as a billionaire, he’s really a man of the people, an ordinary Joe at heart? Indeed, is anything Trump does really about anyone but him?

Self-aggrandizing as the hockey moment was, though, Trump hit the lowest gut-churning marks in his abuse of still-grieving crime victims. He used them and their appearances to glorify his law-and-order bona fides. These people served as potted plants on his stage set, giving him license to enrage or disturb his national audience.

Trump referred to Iryna Zarutska, for instance, noting she was attacked by a “deranged monster” who “viciously slashed a knife through her neck and body.” The 23-year-old was fatally stabbed in September on a train in Charlotte, North Carolina, by a man with a history of mental illness and previous arrests. Trump soberly pointed to the woman’s mother in the chamber, using her as a prop for his tirade.

Trump also highlighted the fatal shooting of 20-year-old Sarah Beckstrom near the White House in November as she was on patrol as a National Guard member in Washington. As Politico reported, he described her as having been “ambushed and shot in the head by a terrorist monster from Afghanistan,” using the incident to underscore both his strict law-and-order messaging and his revulsion at foreigners.

Sarah Beckstrom, source: DoD

Handing out awards like royal plums to deserving servants, Trump posthumously awarded Beckstrom the Purple Heart, presenting it along with one to U.S. Air Force Staff Sgt. Andrew Wolfe, who was also shot in the attack. The young woman’s killer entered the U.S. in 2021 through Operation Allies Welcome, a Biden administration program that resettled Afghans after the U.S. withdrawal. He applied for asylum during the Biden administration, but his asylum was approved under the Trump administration.

Never mind that the pair of National Guards would never have been in D.C. if not for Trump’s theatrical deployment of such troops. Such guard personnel were tasked with patrols and beautification efforts like clearing trash, spreading mulch and pruning trees.

Trump also attacked immigrants by drawing attention to other victims. One was Dalilah Coleman, a young girl from Bakersfield, California, who suffered life-altering injuries in a June 2024 car crash involving a truck driver from India. With the child and her father in the gallery, Trump used her story to advocate for “Dalilah’s Law,” aimed at restricting commercial driver’s licenses for undocumented immigrants.

Trump also singled out Lizbeth Medina, a 16-year-old cheerleader from Texas who was killed by a Mexican man who had overstayed his work visa in 2023. “Lizbeth’s killer was a previously arrested illegal alien who had broken in and brutally, really just brutally extinguished the brightest light in her family’s life, violently and viciously,” Trump said. “Her heartbroken mother is in the gallery to remind everyone in this chamber exactly why we are deporting illegal alien criminals for our country at record numbers. And we’re getting them the hell out of here fast. We don’t want them.”

Of course, Trump used the occasion to taunt Democrats in the chamber, challenging them to stand if they felt the government’s first duty is to protect Americans, not “illegal aliens.” The Dems were having none of it, refusing to rise to his bait.

No one would argue against deporting criminals – especially violent ones. But repeated studies have shown that crime rates among undocumented immigrants are dramatically lower than those of native-born Americans. Moreover, as even government data have shown, growing numbers of immigrants rounded up by ICE have no such criminal backgrounds.

Source: Advocate.com

As could be predicted, Trump never mentioned the murders of Alex Pretti and Renee Good in Minneapolis by agents of his government. Selective, even dishonest, use of anecdotes, perhaps? No hints of remorse and no regrets, certainly.

Using sad, troubling – even revolting — cases such as Medina and Coleman to make overbroad claims when the data don’t support them reflects sloppy thinking, of course. But, more than that, it’s sheer demagoguery aimed at uncritical and, perhaps, racist voters.

Those examples, along with the happy talk of the ice hockey heroes, may have been all about distracting from Trump’s failures on the economic front, particularly the woes of those on the lower socio-economic end – people who may be core parts of his base. Of course, that didn’t stop the president from making bogus claims.

“roaring economy,” Trump said near the start of his overlong speech, “is roaring like never before.” He’s leading a “turnaround for the ages,” all part of America’s “golden age.”

Never mind that growth in real gross domestic product slipped to just 2.2 percent in 2025, compared with an increase of 2.8 percent in 2024. Or that U.S. job creation in 2025 slowed, with just 181,000 net new jobs added for the year, the weakest performance since 2003 (excluding 2020).

Data be damned. The world is as Trump sees it and everyone else should see it that way, too.

And never mind that inflation continues to nibble away at the wallets of most Americans. Trump insisted: “Inflation is plummeting.”

In fact, while inflation has eased during Trump’s second term, “plummeting” is an exaggeration, as PBS reported. The year-over-year rise in prices for January 2026 was about 2.4 percent. Yes, that’s lower than the rate when Trump took office in January 2025, but it had already fallen from a peak of roughly 9 percent under former President Joe Biden. By Biden’s last month in office, year-over-year inflation had declined to 2.9 percent. The Federal Reserve aims to keep inflation about 2 year-over-year.

Recall Trump’s campaign promises on the price front.

“Starting on day one, we will end inflation and make America affordable again, to bring down the prices of all goods,” he said in August 2024. He repeated the claim twice more that month: “Prices will come down. You just watch.” And “Starting the day I take the oath of office, I will rapidly drive prices down and we will make America affordable again.”

Barely a third of Americans polled are buying Trump’s pabulum on inflation, though. In the latest Washington Post-ABC News-Ipsos poll, the president’s worst rating is on inflation, with just 32 percent approving of how he has dealt with the issue. And most aren’t swallowing his drivel on the economy overall: on the question of his handling of the economy, just 41 percent approve of his performance.

Regardless of Trump’s claims, when people’s lived experience differs, guess how that plays. Just consider housing, perhaps the most crucial element in our financial lives. As the U.S. Census Bureau has reported, the average sales price of new houses sold in December 2025 was $532,600, a half-point above that in November and 4.7 percent above the December 2024 price of $508,900.

How many young people can afford that? Are they lining up behind Trump’s self-adulation?

Eric Slover honored, source: Military Times

And then there is his exploitation of military personnel. He bestowed the Congressional Medal of Honor on Army Chief Warrant Officer 5 Eric Slover, almost pornographically describing the man’s wounds in a helicopter assault in the capture of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro. Deserved as that medal was — and Slover did indeed act heroically — one wonders if this was more about Trump basking again in reflected glory. After all, Trump ordered the assault.

He also bestowed the medal on retired Navy Capt. E. Royce Williams, a Navy fighter pilot who flew in World War II, Korea and Vietnam. Recall that Trump dodged military service repeatedly during Vietnam, getting a doctor’s note about bone spurs.

“I’ve always wanted the Congressional Medal of Honor, but I was informed I’m not allowed to give it to myself,” Trump said. “And I wouldn’t know why I would be taking it. If they ever open up that law, I will be with you someday.”

A bad joke?

That wasn’t the first time that Trump — who has also chased after a Nobel Peace Prize — has suggested he should get the Medal of Honor. He made the same quip on Feb. 19 in a speech in Georgia.

“I decided to go to Iraq. I was extremely brave. So brave in fact that I wanted to give myself the Congressional Medal of Honor,” Trump said, referring to a 2018 trip there. “I said to my people, am I allowed to give myself the Congressional Medal of Honor? And you know, I’ve given out so many to guys that are seriously brave. I mean, they come in and their arms are missing, their legs are missing. Their stories are so unbelievable. And I said that’s a little stretch if I gave myself one.”

Sound presidential? Even if the notoriously humorless Trump was attempting a wisecrack, where is his sense of taste and timing? Also, there is no “Congressional” in the award’s name, something Trump should know.

What’s more, other presidents have seen such medal presentations as solemn White House affairs. Trump, in contrast, seems to see them as chances to glorify himself and, via the annual address, garner distracting TV time.

Worryingly, Trump’s invocations of military heroism now sit against the backdrop of potential war with Iran — something about which he said precious little. After his Maduro adventure and an earlier attack on Iran, the huge armada assembled within striking distance of that country must give us all pause.

Surely, Trump’s hucksterism, distractions and pandering will play well with some of his diehard backers. As other talented salesmen have noted, suckers are born every minute.

For most Americans, however, his act is wearing thin. Assuredly, Drew Carey has little to worry about. The rest of us just need to find a way to soldier on for another three years and still more State of the Union shows.

“Lie like rugs”

Donald J. Trump faces reality, whether he can mask it or not

Joseph Weber

Source: Vox

In his 2005 novel, “Flush,” the gifted Carl Hiaasen puts some helpful words in the mouth of a mother talking to her son. “Please don’t grow up to be one of those men who lie for the sport of it …” she says. “Politicians, dictators, kings, phoney-baloney preachers-most of ‘em are men, and most of ‘em lie like rugs.”

Tonight, when Donald J. Trump takes center stage in the Capitol, he will likely demonstrate that admonition anew. No doubt, he will tell us all that the State of the Union is just fine and getting better.

But he’ll be playing to a very disappointed – and increasingly skeptical — audience. It appears that for most Americans, the evidence of their eyes, ears and lives gives the lie to Trump’s often skewed view of reality.

Only 39 percent of Americans approve of the way the president is handling his job, according to a Washington Post-ABC News-Ipsos poll released on Sunday. Trump’s approval rating now stands at 60 percent negative, including 47 percent who say they strongly disapprove.

Worse, six in 10 Americans think the state of the union has declined from a year ago, according to another survey, the Marist Poll. More than half — 53% — of Americans say Trump’s policies have had a mostly negative personal impact on them, notched up from 49% last April. And a stunning 78% of Americans believe we face a serious threat to democracy under Trump.

“Americans have soured on the president across demographics; but, among young voters in particular, Trump’s approval ratings have fallen,” reports The Hill. “Immigration, similarly, stands out as an issue on which Americans are increasingly losing faith in the president’s vision.”

recent CNN poll, conducted by SSRS, shows Trump’s approval rating fell 11 points from last year — from 47 percent to 36 percent. And The Washington Post/ABC/Ipsos and NPR/PBS/Marist Poll found Trump’s approval rating down 6 points from shortly after taking office. Both polls found 39 percent of Americans approve of Trump’s handling of the presidency, down from 45 percent shortly after he took office.

As The Washington Post reported, the last time Trump’s disapproval touched 60 percent was shortly after the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the same building where Trump will speak.

When people were quizzed about specific issues in the Post poll, Trump fared even worse. For instance, 65 percent of those polled pan his handling of inflation, 64 percent give thumbs down on tariffs and 62 percent find him coming up short in handling foreign affairs. And nearly half, 48 percent, say the economy has gotten worse under Trump.

Of course, the split along partisan lines remains stark. Some 85 percent of Republicans approve of Trump’s job performance while 94 percent of Democrats and 69 percent of independents disapprove. The figures mirror those of a poll from last October.

Even with the declines, it’s an enduring mystery that so many Americans fault Trump on details but support him overall. How can they be so seemingly foolish?

Political scientists point to irrational factors. “Cognitive dissonance theory predicts that the act of voting for a candidate leads to a more favorable opinion of the candidate in the future,” academics writing in the American Economic Journal: Applied Economics told us years ago.

In other words, when voters are invested in a president, they have a hard time admitting they were wrong. And partisan stickiness tends to worsen the dug-in mentality.

If past is prologue – and if Trump’s mismanagement persists – the president’s popularity could slide still further over time – but that’s an open question. While academics at the University of Texas have reported that declines in approval are common as presidents’ terms wear on, Trump started with an historically low base.

On average, the Texas academics report, presidents in the past have enjoyed a 66 percent approval rating when starting office. That drops to 53 percent by the end of the first term. Presidents serving a second term average a beginning approval rating of 55.5 percent, which falls to 47 percent by the end of office.

Of course, just how much further Trump’s standing can sink is questionable. He may continue to hover at the 39-41 percent level with his traditional base holding firm. “I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody, and I wouldn’t lose any voters, OK?” Trump joked in a 2016 campaign appearance. “It’s, like, incredible.”

As a talented huckster, he may also think he can bluster his way through any slide. So far, Trump’s reaction to the dismal polling has been to deflect, attack and undermine the news. As Politico reported, White House spokesman Davis R. Ingle reached back to Election Day in 2024 for his response.

“The ultimate poll was November 5th 2024 when nearly 80 million Americans overwhelmingly elected President Trump to deliver on his popular and commonsense agenda,” Ingle said. “The President has already made historic progress not only in America but around the world.”

Recall, however, that Trump won back then with less than half the popular vote, 49.8 percent. He garnered the votes of 77.3 million Americans to Kamala Harris’s 75 million.

Trump on Monday responded with his usual bravado and denials.

“I had polls for the election that showed I was going to get swamped, and I won in a landslide,” Trump said during a ceremony at the White House. “They were fake polls. I saw [a fake poll] today, that I’m at 40 percent. I’m not at 40 percent. I’m at much higher than that. I mean I’d love to run against anybody. The real polls say you’d kill anybody, it wouldn’t even be close.”

Just how poorly he will continue to fare in public sentiment will turn on how ineptly he continues to do his job. Regardless of how much molasses he pours on Tuesday night, prospects for the GOP are dim for the midterm elections, even if Trump tries to pervert the results. For most of us — who are onto Trump’s game — those prospects bode well.

“We are not amused”

Trump’s petulance mirrors that of an earlier Mad King

Joseph Weber

Actor Jonathan Groff portrays George III in “Hamilton,” source: The Seattle Times

When “The Mad King,” George III, was in one of his manic fits in the late 1700s, he was seized by “a desire of talking that he was unable to control.” Often, he would talk for hours until he was hoarse and foaming at the mouth.

On one occasion, during a meal with his son, the Prince of Wales, the king berated him. Then George picked up his son and threw him to the floor.

Are we now hearing echoes in the behavior of a would-be monarch Donald J. Trump? Consider how the president railed against Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts and two of the court’s other conservatives, Justices Neil Gorsuch and Amy Coney Barrett, after they on Feb. 20 shot down the centerpiece of Trump’s foreign policy, tariffs.

“They’re just being fools and lapdogs for the RINOs and the radical left Democrats,” Trump said, using the acronym for “Republicans in name only.” Trump called the three justices “disloyal, unpatriotic,” and at one point he launched into a rant about how the court should have invalidated the election results in 2020, which Trump lost to Joe Biden.

Mind you, Gorsuch and Barrett were Trump appointees — so, presumably, he felt they owed him.

Justices Barrett, Gorsuch and Roberts, source: Slate

The echoes of the reign of George III stretched beyond the president’s tantrum. Justice Roberts invoked that era in writing the anti-tariff opinion for the 6-to-3 majority, saying that the U.S.’s founders for good reason placed the power to impose taxes, including tariffs, with Congress, not with the president. The decision affirmed a lower court’s earlier judgment against Trump’s efforts.

“Recognizing the taxing power’s unique importance, and having just fought a revolution motivated in large part by ‘taxation without representation,’ the Framers gave Congress ‘alone . . . access to the pockets of the people,” Roberts wrote. George III had imposed taxes on the colonists without their consent, so the Constitution explicitly vested such power in Congress, believing it would be more accountable to the people.

Ever-petulant and increasingly George-like, Trump promptly slapped a 10 percent worldwide tariff imports from all countries, on top of any existing tariffs, and then upped the figure to 15 percent. By law, he is allowed to impose a levy of up to 15 percent for 150 days, although his move could face legal challenges and Congress, in the end, will have to either concur or kill his move.

As The Wall Street Journal reported, Trump said his decision to increase the tariff rate was the result of a “thorough, detailed, and complete review of the ridiculous, poorly written, and extraordinarily anti-American” Supreme Court ruling.

And Trump went still further in a move slamming U.S. consumers anew.

The president also killed a longstanding policy that had allowed billions of dollars of low-value imports to enter the United States tax-free. As The New York Times reported, the so-called de minimis exemption had let U.S. importers bring in goods valued at under $800 without the sender paying taxes or completing detailed customs paperwork. The loophole allowed millions of packages to come straight from Chinese factories to American homes duty-free.

First on platforms like eBay and Amazon, and then on apps such as Shein and Temu, exporters funneled Chinese-made goods into the United States via the exemption. Many American businesses also relied on the exemption for goods sold on sites including Etsy and Shopify. The exemption, intended to spare customs officials from spending too much time and money processing goods of relatively little value, existed for almost a century.

Troubled both by the tariffs and by Trump’s hissy fit, the editorialists at The Wall Street Journal, were unambiguous – if maybe a bit precious – in their reaction. “President Trump owes the Supreme Court an apology—to the individual Justices he smeared on Friday and the institution itself,” they wrote. “Mr. Trump doubtless won’t offer one, but his rant in response to his tariff defeat at the Court was arguably the worst moment of his Presidency.”

Well, one might dispute that last claim. The deportation of hundreds of thousands, the murders of Minneapolis protesters by ICE agents, the extrajudicial killings of alleged but unproven “narco-terrorists,” and the arrests and harassment of journalists for doing their jobs might loom a bit larger among worst moments. And we haven’t even yet gotten to the matter of a potential looming war with Iran.

Source: SupplyChainBrain

Still, Trump and his minions are clearly suffering royal pique at those in the courts – and elsewhere – who have the impunity to question the White House dictats. Another example of this recently came from Kevin Hassett, director of the National Economic Council, who said four economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York should be “disciplined” for publishing a paper finding that American households and businesses are paying nearly 90 percent of the cost of the Trump tariffs.

Recall that Trump constantly trumpets the absurd claim that foreigners bear the burden of the tariffs – something that the Supreme Court also saw through in ruling that the tariffs were a tax on Americans. Perhaps Trump and Hassett believe the Justices should be “disciplined,” too, one wonders?

As the WSJ has written, “Clearly the White House is worried that voters might conclude this research aligns with their own experience,” adding “The Fed analysis aligns with other research into the distribution of tariff costs from Harvard economists and Germany’s Kiel Institute—and with common sense.”

Common sense has long been lacking in the White House, of course, replaced by greed, vindictiveness and economic and political ignorance. George III lost his American colonies over similar qualities. Perhaps, in due course, they will cost Trump and his party their high-handed — and one might say, mad — governance.

White panic

Jeremy Carl, a Trump nominee, is the latest example of it

Joseph Weber

Source: Promises Behavioral Health

Ever since Donald J. Trump took office, we’ve seen white panic in full-throttle mode. Threats from within and threats from without abound, it seems.

It’s the fear of these threats, of course, that has driven the soul-crushing wave of deportations. And nowadays, it’s setting off cultural alarm bells stretching from the Super Bowl to the Halls of Congress (more on that in a moment).

But, first, the pathology long predates the arrival of Spanish-singing Bad Bunny. It’s been a longstanding nativist trope among founding white Anglo-Saxon Protestants and their progeny that they will lose their homeland to unwelcome intruders. In fact, though it is getting quite the goosing nowadays, white fear of the immigrant hordes is as American as, well, white bread.

Consider Benjamin Franklin, for instance. As “swarthy” Germans surged into pre-Revolutionary America in the 18th century, Franklin fretted that they would “Germanize” the colonies, refusing to learn English or accept British customs. “Those who come hither are generally of the most ignorant Stupid Sort of their own Nation,” he wrote a friend in 1753.

Then, in the 1840s and 1850s Americans cast Irish immigrants fleeing the potato famine as violent, drunk, and subhuman – and bizarrely not white. Anti-Catholic riots ensued. A few decades later, Chinese workers were seen as taking over jobs, leading to the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, banning all laborers from China.

So, it was all too consistent that in the 1920s the government set strict quotas on immigration, heavily favoring Northern/Western Europeans while banning most Asian and Arab immigrants to protect “American homogeneity.” Then, during the Depression, hundreds of thousands of Mexicans, including American citizens, were forced to move to Mexico. And Jews fleeing the Holocaust were turned away as most Americans saw them as spies.

And today with Trumpism regurgitating these same themes to a fare-thee-well — mostly about Black and Brown people from places Trump infamously called “shithole countries” — we now see someone who casts himself as a politically influential intellectual crystallizing this white panic anew.

Jeremy Carl, source: The Grio

He’s Jeremy Carl, Donald J. Trump’s nominee to become the Assistant Secretary of State for the United Nations and International Organizations. Styling himself a “civic nationalist,” not a “white nationalist,” the Yale-educated Carl — who in Trump I served as a Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Interior for Fish, Wildlife and Parks — has warned that he is “very concerned with the preservation of our common culture and our unity as a nation.”

In that, he is casting a far wider net than he might have for fish and wildlife, it seems.

But Carl, a longtime denizen of rightist think-tanks such as the Hoover Institution and the Claremont Institute, is no white supremacist, he insists. He is just someone perturbed that the “white culture” that long unified the U.S. is under threat, both by the numbers and by our legal and cultural practices.

Diversity, equity and inclusion efforts – which Trump has all but outlawed – until recently were a key part of the assault, as they are evidence of a pervasive “anti-white racism,” he holds. But it’s also a matter of immigration tolerances over the last half-century.

Carl detailed much of this in a 2024 book, “The Unprotected Class: How Anti-White Racism is Tearing America Apart.” In it, he writes: “White Americans are increasingly second-class citizens in a country their ancestors founded and in which, until recently, they were the overwhelming majority of the population. We’ve come a long way from the days when we were ‘securing the blessings of liberty for ourselves and our posterity,’ as the Preamble to the Constitution puts it.”

He also sketched out the dangers posed by the non-white legions in appearances at places such as the conservative Hillsdale College and, on Feb. 12, in a contentious Senate Finance Committee confirmation hearing regarding his Assistant Secretary of State nomination. Society-wide changes have driven the threats, particularly since 1965, when the Hart-Celler Immigration Act threw open the doors to new waves of immigrants and upended our demographics, he maintained.

Carl holds that the balance is tilting against whites numerically. Already, America is a majority minority country among the under-18 set. In his Hillsdale talk, he offered a helpful graphic:

And a full-scale tilt can’t be far off, he suggested …

… because the non-whites are surging:

At his confirmation hearing, Democratic senators were having none of it. Connecticut Sen. Chris Murphy slammed Carl, saying “underlying your belief is a sentiment that white culture is just simply better.”

When he was pressed to describe white culture, though, Carl struggled. “After nervously rambling about white food and Black food, white music and Black music and white worship styles, Mr. Carl told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that a loss of a dominant white culture is weakening the country,” The New York Times reported.

In other words, whatever it is, American is losing it.

Later, on X, Carl sought to clarify his thoughts. Despite his many references to “white culture,” his “greater concern” is with “common American culture,” he held.

It’s tough to define “white culture,” Carl suggested. That’s “like asking a fish to define the ocean. It is simply the environment that the vast majority of all Americans were swimming in.”

But he tried valiantly: “It incorporated everything from the sports we played (football, baseball etc.) to the foods we ate (Hamburgers, Pizza etc.) to the music we listened to and the TV shows we watched. This culture has its roots in England, the ancestral home of the vast majority of American citizens when we won our independence.”

Ah, yes. Hamburgers. Independence.

“But the bad news,” he tweeted “is that the culture can only change so quickly before cultural unity is damaged and our cultural identity as a nation becomes unclear. I believe that the rapid pace of immigration over the last several decades, especially from peoples and cultures far different than the American mainstream pre-Hart Celler, has damaged that unity.”

And the Democrats have made it all worse, he argued.

Addressing Murphy personally, Carl tweeted: “You and I are about the same age senator, and while the America of our childhood was certainly imperfect, you can not possibly honestly claim with a straight face that today’s America is somehow more unified and our cultural identity more clear than it was in our childhood. In fact, so much of our extremely fractious politics today is downstream of that cultural upheaval.”

So, fractious politics is not Trump’s fault. It’s all those immigrants with their fajitas, biryani, and perhaps Kung Pao chicken, and G-d know what else they eat.

Carl’s hearing moved downhill fast, particularly greased by comments he made in the past about women and Jews, as the Daily Montanan reported. There’s a lot of interest in Carl in Montana because he lives in Bozeman.

Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, a Democrat from New Hampshire, noted that Carl scrubbed more than 1,000 past posts on X — though some apparently survived.

“Mr. Carl, you have argued that feminism has led to a downfall in American society. You’ve written that the Civil Rights Act has warped our culture and that the United States should be a white, Christian nation,” Shaheen said. “You’ve written that a post-feminist America is one of the reasons for falling fertility and rapidly rising out-of-wedlock births.”

But, as the newspaper noted, the senator used an October 2024 appearance on a podcast, “Christian Ghetto,” to quote Carl’s words back to him: “Jews have loved to play the victim. The Holocaust dominates so much of modern Jewish history. Jews love to see themselves as oppressed.”

“You continued to make anti-Semitic and racist comments even after your nomination was announced last year,” Shaheen said. “In this committee, we’ve heard from many nominees we don’t agree with, but since your nomination, you’ve tweeted more than 850 times, appeared on five podcasts and repeated this language. This is a pattern.”

And Sen. Jacky Rosen, a Democrat from Nevada, said that as the only synagogue president elected to the U.S. Senate, she was worried that an endorsement from the upper house of Congress would send a dangerous message that anti-Semitism should be tolerated.

“Mr. Carl’s vile and anti-Semitic threats are very real,” she said. “Some may try to excuse Mr. Carl’s remarks that they were taken out of context or that his own heritage (Carl has some Jewish ancestry, according to him) protects him from criticism. So let’s be clear: Identity does not excuse anti-Semitism. Identity doesn’t excuse racism. Identity does not excuse hateful rhetoric regardless of who said them. Words matter.”

For now, the White House is standing by its nomination of Carl. But defections among Republican senators could doom it. A Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee chairman, John Curtis, Republican of Utah, came out in opposition immediately after the hearing was gaveled closed, for instance.

“I do not believe that Jeremy Carl is the right person to represent our nation’s best interests in international forums,” said Curtis, who chairs the subcommittee with jurisdiction over democracy and human rights. He faulted Carl for making “insensitive remarks” about Jewish people.

What is perhaps most dismaying is that Carl’s considerable schooling might have taught him better. He has a bachelor’s degree with distinction from Yale (1995), where he served as president of the Yale Political Union, and a master’s degree in public administration from the Harvard Kennedy School. He did doctoral work at Stanford, where he also was a fellow for a decade at the Hoover Institution, and more recently has worked as a senior fellow at the Claremont Institute.

But he also has odd reading habits. When he worked in the first Trump Administration, Carl made headlines by calling peaceful Black Lives Matter protests racist. In articles he wrote, he also cited an opinion piece in a white supremacist publication, American Renaissance, to support an argument denouncing the anti-discrimination work of former attorney general Eric H. Holder Jr.

American Renaissance is an odd choice for reading matter for such a well-schooled government official. As The Washington Post reported, the Southern Poverty Law Center called it “one of the vilest white nationalist publications, often promoting eugenics and blatant anti-black and anti-Latino racists.”

It seems that top-notch schooling may have little to do with one’s values, morals or even common sense. Even the seemingly best-educated people can be fools, racists, ignoramuses or just plain horse’s asses.

Recall that Irving Fisher, another Yale product widely trumpeted as the greatest economist the U.S. ever produced, served as the first president of the American Eugenics Society in 1926-27. As the Yale Alumni Magazine reported, Fisher presaged Carl in arguing that immigration from certain regions needed to be sharply curtailed.

Fisher also maintained that birth control should be “extended from the white race to the colored” and to other “undesirable” ethnic and economic groups, ideally under the control of a eugenics committee established to “breed out the unfit and breed in the fit.” Otherwise, he fulminated, “the Nordic race . . . will vanish or lose its dominance.”

And there was David Starr Jordan, a Cornell graduate who served as the founding president of Stanford. He served as a vice president at the first International Eugenics Congress in 1912, and later, in 1928, served on the inaugural board of trustees of the Human Betterment Foundation, which campaigned for compulsory sterilization. Starr’s textbooks and writings portrayed Black people as evolutionarily closer to apes than their white peers: “blue gum negroes, blue gum apes,” one read.

Intellectually committed to white supremacy in all realms, Jordan in his 1901 “Imperial Democracy” wrote that Filipinos were “as capable of self-government or of any other government as so many monkeys.” Is that the sort of sentiment Carl might advance in the U.N.?

Carl’s way of thinking as a long tail. And, if he wins appointment, he’ll be waving it far and wide.

When is it time to quit?

Athletes, academics and politicians have trouble letting go

Joseph Weber

Lindsey Vonn, source: CNN

After Lindsey Vonn wiped out in the downhill competition in the Olympics, suffering barely endurable pain from a complex tibia fracture in her left leg, her father made clear his preferences for her athletic future.

“She’s 41 years old and this is the end of her career,” former ski racer Alan Kildow told The Associated Press. “There will be no more ski races for Lindsey Vonn, as long as I have anything to say about it.”

From his lips to G-d’s ear, we might say. Far too often, athletes, academics and, particularly, politicians, just stick around too long. They can’t let go, it seems, even when their bodies – and perhaps, their minds – should compel them to do otherwise.

Consider Tom Brady, who played professional football for 23 seasons. Unable to say sayonara, at age 45 the longtime New England Patriots star jumped to the Tampa Bay Buccaneers in 2022. That led to his first losing season, with an 8-9 record and a playoffs washout.

writer at SBNATION was unflinching about the faded star. “Tom Brady’s final season was a huge waste of time for everyone involved: It was a horrible, terrible, no good, very bad year” was the headline.

Years earlier, there was Muhammad Ali, who quit boxing at 39 in 1981. After two decades in the ring, Parkinson’s Disease ultimately delivered a knockout to “The Greatest.” Ali’s pace and speech began to slow down in the late 1970s, but he wasn’t formally diagnosed with Parkinson’s until 1984, three years after he had left professional boxing, as TheSportster recorded

In academia, many professors linger well past 65. Some may be fine well into their 80s, but it’s all too likely that they grow out of touch with progress in their fields, as well as the cultural and social world their students inhabit. They also clog up the talent pipeline, keeping younger – and more diverse – potential faculty out.

“Nationally, aging faculty remain overwhelmingly white, and the diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives that swept through elite universities in the 2010s largely failed to dislodge them,” an opinion writer observed in The Harvard Crimson. “As the writer Jacob Savage demonstrated in a viral essay in December, efforts to remedy elite institutions’ lack of racial diversity fell not upon older white men, but upon incoming hires.”

Of course, politicians are among the worst for being unable to hang it up. The infirmities of age that afflicted Joseph R. Biden, in office until age 82, and Donald J. Trump, soon to turn 80, are well-known. Indeed, had Biden quit the game earlier, we all might have been spared the many griefs inflicted on us by the increasingly doddering and rambling Trump.

Trump nodding off, source: MSN

Trump is showing signs of aging in public and private, The Wall Street Journal has reported. He has struggled to keep his eyes open during several televised events, and some people close to him have said he at times strains to hear. (Trump denied having a hearing problem and said he closes his eyes for relaxation.) Biden’s age-related collapse in 2024 damaged the Democratic Party in ways it is still working to repair.

As the newspaper also reported, Rahm Emanuel, a 66-year-old Democrat and Washington veteran, recently called for a mandatory retirement age of 75 for presidents, cabinet officials, members of Congress and federal judges. The former congressman, White House chief of staff, Chicago mayor and potential White House contender said that should also apply to him, should he ever return to a major Washington job.

According to The Harvard Crimson opinion writer, Alex Bronzini-Vender, in 2025, roughly 37 percent of congressional Democrats were 65 or older, along with 29 percent of congressional Republicans. In 2024, nearly 18 percent of Fortune 500 CEOs were aged 65 or older. And in 2020, about 14 percent of American lawyers and 24 percent of state judges “had crossed the same threshold.”

Twenty-four members of Congress are 80 or older, according to NBC News. In total, this Congress is the third-oldest in U.S. history, with an average age of 58.9 years at the start of this session one year ago. The median age in the U.S. is 39.1.

Of course, the threshold for packing it in can vary by field. Skiing for fun is something folks in their 80s do, but perhaps not rushing down mountains at speeds topping 70 miles an hour.

The longtime champion Vonn was famous, of course for retiring in 2019 after a slew of injuries. She underwent three surgeries between the 2017-18 and 2018-19 seasons after tearing her LCL with three tibial plateau fractures in her left leg. She also missed the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics due to injury, after winning gold at the 2010 Vancouver Winter Olympics despite fighting through an “excruciating” bone bruise in her leg.

After she underwent surgery for a partial knee replacement in 2024, she felt healthy, prompting her to leave retirement. Even after she tore her left ACL in training a week before her disastrous run on Feb. 8, she insisted on competing.

“But being here today, being around all of this Olympic spirit has me so excited about the potential and how I could hopefully close my career in a way that is really based on what I want to do,” she said before the race. “I retired in 2019 because my body said no more, not because I didn’t want to continue racing. I feel like this could be an incredible moment to end the chapter, this chapter of my life, and move forward in a really exciting and peaceful way.”

Skiing, of course, had been Vonn’s life. Her father and grandfather taught her starting at age 3 in Minnesota. She competed in her first races at 7 and took part in international competitions at 9, took part in her first Olympic Games at 17 and kept competing – and usually winning — for decades.

And the problem with that sort of commitment – not uncommon in sports or in some other fields with nearly lifelong obligations – is that one has to either discover or reinvent oneself when the playing field is no longer available. The question arises: “Who am I, if not a top-level skier or quarterback or professor or journalist or politician?”

George Koonce, source: Watch the Yard

Consider George Koonce, a former NFL player who attempted suicide after his playing days with the Green Bay Packers and Seattle Seahawks ended. Speaking on the point in a 2012 ESPN piece, he said: “Football becomes your identity. Your family buys into it, your friends buy into it, the alums from your college buy into it. And then it is gone. You are gone.”

But Koonce decided not to be “gone.” He earned degrees in sports management and administration (the latter a doctorate), and filled important positions at Marquette University, the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee and Marian University. He coauthored the book “Is There Life After Football?:Surviving the NFL.”

Even as athletics, academics and politics may well shape a person’s life and career, there comes a time when they need to look to other things – perhaps in related areas, perhaps not. In hindsight, it seems that time should have come far sooner for Vonn. One wonders whether her father and others in her life might have delivered that message earlier, sparing her the globally broadcast anguish she suffered.

Extraordinary

Bad Bunny’s halftime show echoed peace and unity messages of old

Joseph Weber

Source: Instagram

As the Vietnam War raged in October 1967, one of more than 70,000 protesters at the March on the Pentagon was photographed sticking flowers into the barrels of rifles held by MPs.

Whether the “flower power” movement of the day had much to do with the end of U.S. involvement in the war five and a half years later is a matter of debate. But it was one of countless many peaceful – and sometimes not so peaceful – efforts that surely helped to turn the tide against the gruesome and ultimately failed U.S. disaster in that country.

It was a bold and gentle effort – reminiscent of the pacifism of Mahatma Gandhi, the Rev. Martin Luther King and others – aimed at the conscience of a nation, if not at the hardened hearts of its leaders.

Source: Wikipedia

Bad Bunny’s remarkable performance at the Super Bowl was in line with that sensibility. His performance, a joyful celebration of the richness and liveliness of Latin culture, was a flower stuck in the eye of Donald J. Trump and other racists who denigrate, torment and deport Black and Brown Americans and immigrants with an anger and viciousness rarely seen in recent history.

Matching the gesture of that Pentagon protester, the Puerto Rican rapper properly known as Benito Antonio Martínez Ocasio showcased his message on the billboard above Levi’s Stadium, “The Only Thing More Powerful Than Hate is Love.” The sentiment echoed King’s comments: “Darkness cannot drive out darkness: only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate: only love can do that” and “I have decided to stick with love … hate is too great a burden to bear” and Gandhi’s “Hatred can be overcome only by love.”

Suited to the event, Bad Bunny led a group of performers carrying the flags from countries across the Americas and the Caribbean. He shouted out “God Bless America, and recited a long list of the nations, at least 23 of them that make up the Americas and the wider region. As a writer for CNN noted, “Bad Bunny declared himself an American patriot in the broadest sense of the term.”

It was an ecstatic performance that even drew praise from Tom Brady, the former New England Patriots quarterback and Trump supporter. Brady exclaimed on social media: “Amazing!!!!!!!!!.”

What a far cry from Trump’s reaction.

The president, who had groused about Bad Bunny before the show, declared on his Truth Social site afterwards that “It makes no sense, is an affront to the Greatness of America, and doesn’t represent our standards of Success, Creativity, or Excellence,” Ranting, he complained that “Nobody understands a word this guy is saying,” and called the halftime show “a slap in the face to our country.” Trump said there was “nothing inspirational” about the show, and that it would still get rave reviews from “the Fake News Media, because they haven’t got a clue of what is going on in the REAL WORLD.”

As an Esquire writer noted: “Much like most of the President’s rambling screeds on social media, it’s a saddening—yet unsurprising—take to stomach. The guy can’t even appreciate a wedding on live TV just because Bad Bunny criticized ICE at the Grammys. And if you speak another language in this country, then that apparently makes you un-American now, too. Forget the fact that the “REAL WORLD,” according to the United States Census Bureau’s 2019 report, states that more than half (55 percent) of the Spanish speakers in this country (over 40 million people, by the way) were U.S.-born Americans citizens.”

Bad Bunny drove home his core message at the end, as a writer for The Atlantic noted. “Pushing toward the camera with throngs of drummers, he closed by holding up a football with a message on it: Together, We Are America. It was a pointed message but also a conciliatory one, a unity slogan.”

Make no mistake, though. Bad Bunny’s performance was a political statement aimed at Trump and other nativist philistines who would turn back the clock on the appeal of the United States to other Americans – broadly defined. That he sang in Spanish at the nation’s preeminent sporting event made it clear that the country is richer and more diverse than the whites-only population that Trump would prefer. “We’re still here,” the rapper sang.

And Trumpists felt stung. “Bad Bunny is absolutely vile. I can’t understand a word of it but I just know it’s foul, vulgar, and demonic. Cover your kids’ ears. The NFL owes millions of Americans an apology,” one wrote on X. Another chimed in: “If we can learn anything from Bad Bunny’s Super Bowl performance, it’s that we should be deporting even more people.”

Of course, they watched, though.

Source: The White House

They seem not to have been among Trumpists who jumped to Kid Rock’s streamed alternative halftime show. Recall that the classic Kid Rock tune “Cool, Daddy Cool,” includes the Epstein-esque lyrics: “Young ladies, young ladies, I like ‘em underage/See some say that’s statutory …” The clownish Rock’s show drew about 6 million viewers, a minuscule fraction of the more than 130 million thought to have been drawn to Bad Bunny.

Will Bad Bunny’s positive Gandhi-esque message resound as immigration and Border Patrol agents prowl the nation, rounding up countless innocents who look a lot like the people in the halftime show? Certainly, attempts to prick the conscience of the heartless and soulless likely will fail. Trump is evidence of that.

But, for the rest of America, the chance to heed the singer’s message looms near. Elections in November will give us the first signs of whether this updated version of “flower power” can have an effect, assuming that the Trumpists don’t corrupt the voting. And then there will be November 2028, far off as that seems.

In time, Americans with hearts, brains and consciences will get the chance to respond both to Trump and Bad Bunny.

Shrinking its way to greatness?

The Washington Post will surely not find success that way

Joseph Weber

Illustration source: The Wrap

Someday, a smart academic will cooly analyze the rival game plans that enabled The New York Times to thrive while, just down the road, The Washington Post slipped into what has been looking like a slow-motion death spiral.

But it’s likely that two things on that list will include an owner committed to great journalism and a passion for innovation, even at great cost.

Consider first the nonstop innovation that has kept the Times vibrant. The New York paper’s website is a cornucopia of offerings from the news of the day and in-depth magazine offerings to games, consumer advice in Wirecutter, exceptional sports coverage in The Athletic, audio offerings that range from The Daily to Opinions, along with entertainment, cooking and health news.

The soup-to-nuts menu of the paper could keep a reader, listener or video-watcher engaged for hours. Just picking out the best things to tap into takes a while each day.

By contrast, the best that can be said of the Post is that it tries.

In unoriginal ways, the Post mimics some of the same offerings, but with far less content. While on a given day the Times might have whole subsections devoted to the Trump Administration, the Epstein files, the Russia-Ukraine war, the Super Bowl and more, along with the top stories of the day in its many categories, the Post offers short lists of pieces that take no time to scan through.

It could hardly be otherwise given the yawning gap in staff at the papers. While the Times employs more than 2,800 people in its journalism operations, the Post shrank its newsroom in multiple downsizings in recent years to 800 and now is losing more than 300 of them, along with more on the business side.

With its extraordinary breadth, the Times has been on a roll in adding digital subscribers and is now up to 12.78 million total subscribers as it aims for 15 million by the end of next year. By contrast, the Post is believed to be down to about 2 million subscribers.

Sadly, the soup is thin in the D.C. paper and the latest trimming could hardly bulk it up. As the Times reported about its competitor, the Post’s sports and books sections will close, its metro section and international staff will shrink. In a sharp contrast with the growing Daily podcast at the Times – which just added a Sunday version – the daily “Post Reports” podcast will disappear.

Just how will all that make for a better, more relevant and profitable product? The Post, as of Feb. 4, hadn’t even reported on its layoffs. Instead, it posted an Associated Press story that quoted editor Matt Murray saying in a note to the staff: “We can’t be everything to everyone.”

Just what the Post will be to anyone, going forward, is tough to see. Ashley Parker, a Post veteran now at The Atlantic, offered hints, though, and they are hardly optimistic.

“Today’s layoffs provide a whiff of the latest alleged strategy: an almost-exclusive focus on politics and national-security coverage, though even that explanation defies credulity, as the growing list of those laid off includes some of the nation’s finest political and international reporters and editors,” she wrote. “To the extent that a plan exists, it seems to be to transform the Post into a facsimile of Politico.”

Parker noted that Politico was born out of the Post nearly 20 years ago. Two Post reporters launched it as a “fast-paced, scoop-driven, win-the-morning publication,” she wrote.

Parker also quoted a longtime Post reporter bemoaning the new cuts. “We’re changing and trimming and cutting our way toward a much more mundane product, and one that doesn’t seem to attract more readers,” the journalist told her.

And what’s especially disheartening is that Post owner Jeff Bezos could easily underwrite the sorts of innovation that the Sulzberger family has done at the Times. Indeed, after he bought the paper in 2013, he backed ambitious efforts and the paper was gaining in leaps and bounds.

Ralph E. Hanson, a professor at the University of Nebraska Kearney, described some of the surge. Instead of focusing narrowly on D.C., he noted, Bezos and his editors pushed the paper into becoming a national or even international paper, much as the Times is.

By 2016, under Bezos’ ownership, Hanson wrote, the paper had a growing audience, increasingly ambitious reporting, and was gaining recognition as a national read. Politico’s Ken Doctor said that the Post was joining the ranks of The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, and USA Today as having nationwide appeal.

While other papers were laying journalists off, in fact, the Post was hiring, Hanson noted. He cited Politico’s estimates that the Post’s newsroom grew by more than 60 positions, or 8 percent. This gave the Post a news staff in excess of 750, compared with 1,307 at the NY Times, 450 at USA Today, and the Wall Street Journal with about 1,500.

And 2016 delivered a 75 percent increase in new subscribers over the year and doubled digital subscription numbers. Under the guidance of Marty Baron, who joined in January 2013, that growth was driven by exceptional journalism, the sort that won 11 Pulitzer Prizes before he retired in 2021.

Of course, the paper was punching above its weight in terms of staffing. It had always done so, compared with the Times. “Not being The New York Times, being forced to do more with less, was freeing,” contended Post veteran Parker. “It created—required—a culture of collegiality and collaboration, a willingness to experiment and take risks, a certain puckishness.”

A former colleague, now at The Athletic, told Parker: “There’s sort of an Avis mentality at the Post: ‘We try harder.’” The quip recalled the Hertz-Avis ad campaign of decades past.

But lately, Bezos has apparently not seen much reason to try hard at all. “Over recent years, they’ve repeatedly cut the newsroom—killing its Sunday magazine, reducing the staff by several hundred, nearly halving the Metro desk—without acknowledging the poor business decisions that led to this moment or providing a clear vision for the future,” Parker wrote.

Marty Baron, source: The Harvard Gazette

Baron, in a post on Facebook, acknowledged “acute business problems that had to be addressed.” As anyone in the industry knows, and Baron noted, we are in “a period of head-spinning change in media consumption.” It is one that requires “radical innovation,” which, of course, demands money.

More than that, it requires courage and values – of the sort that the Sulzbergers have long had. In recent years, Donald J. Trump has filed at least three major lawsuits against the Times, including a pending $15 billion defamation suit filed last September. Two were dismissed.

Bezos, instead, has sought to cozy up to Trump, perhaps mindful of the power Washington has over his financially far more important Amazon business and other interests.

“The Post’s challenges, however, were made infinitely worse by ill-conceived decisions that came from the very top —from a gutless order to kill a presidential endorsement 11 days before the 2024 election to a remake of the editorial page that now stands out only for its moral infirmity,” Baron wrote. “Loyal readers, livid as they saw owner Jeff Bezos betraying the values he was supposed to uphold, fled The Post. In truth, they were driven away, by the hundreds of thousands.”

As readers lost faith in the paper, journalists were losing trust in Bezos, as well. “Similarly, many leading journalists at The Post lost confidence in Bezos, and jumped to other news organizations,” Baron wrote. “They also, in effect, were driven away.”

The former editor, known for his grace, said he remained grateful for Bezos’s support during his tenure.

“During that time, he came under brutal pressure from Trump,” Baron wrote. “And yet he spoke forcefully and eloquently of a free press and The Post’s mission, demonstrating his commitment in concrete terms. He often declared that The Post’s success would be among the proudest achievements of his life. I wish I detected the same spirit today. There is no sign of it.”

There also seems no sign of an editorial vision at the diminishing newspaper. Perhaps one will emerge, but it’s likely impossible for the Post to shrink its way to prosperity.

“This ranks among the darkest days in the history of one of the world’s greatest news organizations,” Baron wrote. “The Washington Post’s ambitions will be sharply diminished, its talented and brave staff will be further depleted, and the public will be denied the ground-level, fact-based reporting in our communities and around the world that is needed more than ever.”

The odds are that the academic who someday analyzes the Post’s rise and fall will, in effect, be conducting an autopsy. And that is sad for us all.