The limits of labels

Trump has struggled to pigeonhole Harris and Walz

Tim Walz, source: CBS News

“Thrice-wed philandering felon, fraud and sexual abuser” has a certain ring to it and offers a helpful summary value. The phrase is useful shorthand for social media.

But such a label has limits.

While that description of Donald J. Trump is accurate, for instance, it falls short. It omits qualities of his such as racism, sexism, demagoguery and ignorance. Such a tag, label or meme may have a bumper-sticker utility, but can go only so far and can often mislead or be misused.

On that point, Trump and his aides have scrambled to come up with pithy terms to attack Vice President Kamala Harris and her new running mate, Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz. Trump has tried out “the most Radical Left duo in American history.” And one of his campaign videos says Walz “will be a rubber stamp for Kamala’s dangerously liberal agenda.” Parroting that, House GOP Conference Chair Elise Stefanik lambasted “the most radical Far Left-wing ticket in history.” And, of course, there’s the “DEI hire” label.

Will such terms stick?

Under Trump’s guidance, Republicans have sought to reduce people to such abusive monikers and juvenile nicknames, such as Trump’s “Crazy Kamala” or the bizarre “Kamabla.” Presumably, they believe such caricatures will cement identities in voters’s minds. As a clever marketer, Trump knows that this gimmick, born of consumer advertising, locks in simple associations (think “soft” for Downy or “electric” for Tesla).

But, really, will anyone who looks even slightly beyond them buy those reductions? Will most Americans, particularly all-important independent voters, warm to Trump’s approach? Writing for the conservative news site, The Free Press, columnist Joe Nocera sketched out the flaws in Trump’s tack for Walz under the headline “Tim Walz is no radical.”

“He signed a bill that provides free breakfast and lunches for Minnesota public schoolchildren. An advocate for fighting climate change, he took a page from the Republican playbook and championed legislation to reduce government red tape for renewable energy projects,” Nocera writes. “On his watch, abortion rights, a critical issue for Democrats, were enshrined in state law. An NRA darling in Congress (he’s a lifelong hunter), Walz as governor supported expanded background checks and red flag laws. They are also now the law in Minnesota. Plus paid parental and medical leave. Plus a ban on non-compete agreements (giving workers the ability to easily switch jobs). Plus bills to strengthen worker safety.”

Joe Nocera, source: Sarasota Herald-Tribune

Are those measures the sort that most Americans will scream “radical” about? Certainly, a Trump Administration would revile such moves, but do they make one swallow Trump’s belittling sobriquets? As Nocera put it, “Call me crazy, but I think a lot of voters will find this ‘progressive,’ ‘extremist,’ ‘socialist’ agenda attractive.”

As Walz said of this caricature of him in an interview on CNN, “What a monster! Kids are eating and having full bellies so they can go learn, and women are making their own healthcare decisions, and we’re a top-five business state and we also rank in the top three of happiness … Look, they’re going to label whatever they’re going to label.”

To be fair, Walz came up with a very sticky label for Trump and his running mate, JD Vance. He memorably called them “weird,” a word that emphasizes the essential oddness of both men. It also reflects the sort of Midwestern folksy jargon and commonsense judgment that Walz is known for. Indeed, some observers credit his use of the word for getting him the VP choice or, at least, moving him up the ladder.

“Weird,” moreover, is apt and avoids the incendiary tones of more provocative labels for Trump and Vance. It makes them look ludicrous, just the type of characterization that the thin-skinned and humorless Trump can’t abide.

Still, such a term, like other labels thrown about by both camps, can do only so much. More sophisticated critiques are necessary, and we will surely see them.

Some on the right have already attacked Walz, for instance, for being slow to deploy the National Guard to contain the riots that followed George Floyd’s murder in Minneapolis in 2020 – a slipup Walz fessed up to. “Walz and his team have said they dealt with the issues as best they could,” Reuters reported. “The two-term governor acknowledged his decision to delay deploying the National Guard and called the city’s response an ‘abject failure,’ during a press conference a few days after protests gripped the Twin Cities and the greater Minneapolis area, causing extensive damage to buildings, businesses, and a police precinct that was overrun by rioters and set ablaze.”

To many, a single misjudgment in a long career hardly seems like a fatal flaw. Of course, we will never see an acknowledgement of a mistake by Trump, who lacks the capacity for self-criticism. But we will see Walz’s hesitancy highlighted on Fox and other venues.

Source: Variety

Voters will have to evaluate the successes and failures of both Harris and Walz, since both folks have histories to assess. Similarly, they will need to evaluate their characters and resumes.

What sort of judgment will people apply? For Walz, they can assess his background as a teacher, long-term congressman, governor and champion of legislation that seems to have helped people’s lives. For Harris, they can evaluate her role as being in the room for three and half years when Presidential decisions were made and for traveling the world to shore up relationships that Trump damaged, as well as her record in law enforcement.

Do these things paint a bold, bright contrast with a chaos-inducing criminal who killed a bipartisan effort to reform border regulations just to advance his candidacy? Do they differ from Vance’s comparison of Trump to Hitler, as well as his labeling the man an “idiot” and “reprehensible” before Trump elevated the young opportunist to his ticket?

If we get the chance to see debates between Trump and Harris, as well as between Vance and Walz, we may better be able to evaluate these folks. Certainly, they would in those settings toss labels and memorable lines at one another, some of which could easily stick.

Recall the folksy “there you go again” phrase Ronald Reagan used in his 1980 debate with Jimmy Carter and Reagan’s 1984 quip against Walter Mondale: “I will not make age an issue of this campaign. I am not going to exploit for political purposes my opponent’s youth and inexperience.” Then there was Lloyd Bentsen’s jab against Dan Quayle in 1988: “I served with Jack Kennedy. I knew Jack Kennedy. Jack Kennedy was a friend of mine. Senator, you’re no Jack Kennedy.” And Barack Obama’s memorable phrase in a faceoff with Hillary Clinton in 2008: “You’re likable enough, Hillary.”

It’s hard to imagine Trump or his staffers having the wit for such lines. And, indeed, since Trump has sought to rig a debate by changing rules he earlier agreed to for a faceoff with President Biden, one may not happen between the top candidates. As for Walz and Vance, both men seem to be spoiling for a fight.

Mary L. Trump, source: ABC News

When Harris jumped in after Biden stepped out, she seemed to set Trump back on his heels. He and his team can’t seem to quite pigeonhole her as they would like to and he has gone off-script at times (“she happened to turn Black”). Now, Walz’s arrival has “terrified” Trump, says the former president’s niece, Mary Trump.

“You can see why Donald is terrified,” the clinical psychologist said, according to  Newsweek. “Because his criteria for a running mate included somebody who would lick his boots, subjugate himself, and exhibit the kind of cruel weirdness that Donald, and the base of the Republican Party, revel in. Vice President Kamala Harris picked someone who has executive [experience] and actually wants to work to make the lives of Americans better.”

Is Mary Trump, whose book about Trump labels him “the World’s Most Dangerous Man,” onto something? Voters will have to decide.

Is life in 2024 a cabaret?

A look at what a 58-year-old musical says about today’s politics

Cabaret’s 2024 Broadway production; source: NY Public Library for the Performing Arts

As the counterculture movement was heating up in the 1960s, the musical Cabaret debuted on Broadway. An ironic and challenging study of the blend of decadence and poverty of 1929-30 Berlin, the award-winning show carried a heavy warning, as it depicted the way the Nazis insidiously tapped into anti-LGBTQ sentiments, nationalism, economic strain and antisemitism to drive their rise to power.

Last night, we saw a production in Breckenridge, Colorado. This was our local version of a far more elaborate revival of the show now running in New York City and the one that is a hot ticket in London; it opened in the U.K. in late 2021 and is slated to run there at least until early 2025. The musical – an odd mix of sly entertainment and depressing political cautions — left me with many questions.

For one, why is a 58-year-old show being revived now? What resonance could it have in our day, compared with the 1960s?

For another, would audiences and critics warm to it again, as they did in its first run (1,166 performances in New York and eight Tony Awards)? And why did the 1972 movie, featuring Liza Minelli and Joel Grey, win a slew of “best” awards, including best picture and best director prizes? How impressive was it that, in 1995, the film was selected by the Library of Congress for preservation in the United States National Film Registry as being deemed “culturally, historically, or aesthetically significant”?

The answers it seems, are complicated. First, the new production of Cabaret, in London and New York, is not the first major revival, as the theatre collection curator of the New York Public Library for the Performing Arts recounts. New York productions were staged in 1966, 1987, 1998 and 2014, and others were mounted in London. So, the core message of the piece has long been with us, requiring a reminder every decade or so.

The original director, Hal Prince, “wanted the audience to understand that the musical was not only about the hedonism and antisemitism of Berlin in the interwar period, but also about the United States in the mid-1960s,” library curator Douglas Reside writes. “Both cultures indulged in a drug-fueled sexual revolution at a time in which basic civil rights were denied to minority groups.”

How contemporary was the show then – and now? “Prince often recounted his memory of bringing an image of shirtless young men snarling at the camera to rehearsal,” Reside adds. “He noted that his cast suggested the image came from Nazi Germany, when in fact it was a photo from a recent Life magazine issue—white supremacists protesting the integration of a public school.”

Source: Library of Congress

So, the theme of being drawn in by seductive and entertaining escapism at a time when repression is just around the corner, sadly, has long had an appeal. Perhaps that’s because the forces of such repression – the Nazis in the 1930s, the white supremacists of the 1960s and, perhaps, the would-be oppressors of today’s GOP (supported by modern Nazis and supremacists) – have long been with us. Until they can dominate, they prowl about on the fringes of society and culture.

Think about the forms today’s reactionaries take. On the social front, we have book-banning (not all that dissimilar to burning), antisemitism (moving in from the fringes to show up on college campuses), anti-LGBTQ sentiments (often driven by right-wing religious ideas), rekindled racism against Blacks and other minorities, including immigrants, and antiabortion efforts (also religiously motivated).

And on the political front we have a party that uses such themes to gain a following. The Trumpist Republican party is keen to centralize federal power in the presidency (dictator for a day, as the former president put it, as well as his Supreme Court’s effort to grant exceptional immunity to the chief executive). We also have promises to remake the federal workforce into one answerable to political masters. And we have open admiration of autocrats around the world and disdain for democracy among the politicians and their supporters.

Source: Bloomberg, via Ad Age

Consider the comments of Peter Thiel, a Silicon Valley billionaire who long supported now-vice presidential nominee JD Vance and the GOP.  He gave $1 million to Trump in 2016 and spoke at the GOP convention back then, pulled back on his political donations for a time afterward, and now seems to be moving back toward supporting the Republican nominee.  While he hasn’t endorsed Trump again, before President Biden’s withdrawal Thiel said he would vote for Trump over the president.

“I don’t think we’re ever in a cyclical world but there are certainly certain parallels in the U.S. in the 2020s to Germany in the 1920s,” the German-born Thiel said in a podcast in February. “Liberalism is exhausted, one suspects that democracy, whatever that means, is exhausted, and that we have to ask some questions very far outside the Overton window.”

As Newsweek reported, the Overton window means the range of views or opinions considered politically acceptable at a given time.

Cabaret, of course, reflects some of those parallels, but in much the opposite way to the manner in which the Stanford-educated Thiel sees them. The show at once celebrates the sexual freedoms of pre-war Berlin even as it suggests that the self-indulgences and, in some cases, the depravity of the era were a narcotic blinding people to the rise of the Nazis.

Those sexual freedoms would be condemned, of course, by many in Trump’s legions, even as they overlook their candidate’s long-known hedonism. It’s perhaps ironic that Thiel is married to a man, since the show aims in part to condemn the victimization of gays by the Nazis. But Thiel seems willing to overlook the anti-gay sentiment that drives so many in the Trump coalition in favor of broader political aims.

As The New York Times wrote, Thiel’s politics have mutated over time, though he has long had a libertarian bent. In 2009, Thiel wrote that he had come to “no longer believe that freedom and democracy are compatible.” He argued that American politics would always be hostile to free-market ideals, and that politics was about interfering with other people’s lives without their consent. Since then, the Times noted, he has hosted and attended events with white nationalists and alt-right figures.

Source: LN

Scary stuff, frankly. The main Nazi character in Cabaret, smuggler Ernst Ludwig, comes across for most of the piece as a decent fellow. Ultimately, of course, he turns on the American writer protagonist, Clifford Bradshaw, and on a Jewish-Christian couple. Ludwig is reminiscent of the true believers one now sees all around Trump, people whose peculiar world views drive them into illegality, into believing that democracy is a failed system better scrapped.

One thinks of a recent commentary by Boston College historian Heather Cox Richardson. “It is up to us to decide whether we want a country based on fear or on facts, on reaction or on reality, on hatred or on hope,” she writes. “It is up to us whether it will be fascism or democracy that, in the end, moves swiftly, and up to us whether we will choose to follow in the footsteps of those Americans who came before us in our noblest moments, and launch a brand new era in American history.”

Like our politics, Cabaret is filled with contradictions (or, perhaps, ironies). How can a musical both celebrate sexual freedom and blame its excesses for political myopia or willing blindness? By the same token, how can a candidate who has been as licentious as they come be a hero to the religious right? How can otherwise bright people — many in Trump’s camp boast Harvard educations — be drawn to a man who boasts of loving the underschooled? How can anyone be drawn to a convicted felon, one found to be a sexual abuser, whose dishonesty is legendary?

Liza Minelli, singer of “Life is a Cabaret”

In the show, the most memorable song, the one featuring the line, “Life is a cabaret, old chum,” sounds at first like a joyous celebration of life, of course. But we see how it becomes all about fear and sorrow. Its downbeat lines have been trimmed from some popular recorded versions, but they linger in the stage production, an ode to a friend who was an alcoholic prostitute who died early.

Based on a 1951 play that was rooted in Christopher Isherwood’s 1939 novel, “Goodbye to Berlin,” Cabaret makes one think hard about the effects of politics that one can’t ignore. It has done so for decades so far, as it has spoken to a few generations. Let’s hope that the show remains cautionary and thought-provoking. The great fear is that it could prove prescient.

Has grace forever departed the GOP?

Trump continues to show a lack of style, basic manners and common decency

Trump in 2016, source: NBC News

In the heated 2008 presidential election, a supporter of the Republican candidate, Sen. John McCain, told him that she couldn’t trust Barack Obama. The woman called Obama “an Arab” at the height of a conspiracy movement that claimed the Democrat was not a natural-born American citizen and therefore ineligible for the presidency.

“No ma’am, he’s a decent family man, citizen, that I just happen to have disagreements with on fundamental issues, and that’s what this campaign is all about,” McCain said to applause.

That’s called grace. It’s something many Republicans once had.

Before McCain, there was President George H.W. Bush. In 1993, he left a handwritten note in the Resolute Desk in the White House for his successor, Bill Clinton.

“When I walked into this office just now I felt the same sense of wonder and respect that I felt four years ago,” Bush’s note said. “I know you will feel that, too.”

“I’m not a very good one to give advice,” the note continued, capturing Bush’s genuine strain of humility. “Don’t let the critics discourage you or push you off course,” he wrote, and ended by saying, “Your success now is our country’s success. I am rooting hard for you.”

Source: Wikimedia Commons

Contrast such basic good manners and decency with Donald J. Trump’s reaction to the release of Evan Gershkovich, Paul Whelan and others unjustly imprisoned by Vladimir Putin.

“Are we also paying them cash? Are they giving us cash (Please withdraw that question, because I’m sure the answer is NO)?” he said. “Just curious because we never make good deals, at anything, but especially hostage swaps. Our ‘negotiators’ are always an embarrassment to us!” he added in his social media post.

No congratulations. No best wishes.

Graceless? Trump is the embodiment of gracelessness.

Of course, his absurd attack on Kamala Harris about whether she was Black or Indian was another recent example. His racist boorishness, apparently aimed at eroding her support in Black communities while stoking white resentments at the gains minorities have made, may have played well with a few supporters.

But for many folks, it confirmed the same sort of oafishness he demonstrated with his birtherism claims about Obama.

NY Times reporter Serge Kovaleski, Trump’s mockery; source: CNN

Need other examples of his callous buffoonery? Recall his mockery of a disabled journalist, New York Times reporter Serge Kovaleski, in late 2015. Of course, there was his incessant nicknaming of opponents, which continues today.

His incitement of a mob to attack the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, was perhaps the most dangerous – and deadly – case of his asinine behavior. Recall that the mob called for the assassination by hanging of Trump’s vice president, Mike Pence, whom he had pressured to invalidate the election results.    

Biden’s inauguration, Source: USA Today

Then, consider Trump’s absence at the January 2021 inauguration of President Joe Biden. The move broke with over 150 years of tradition, showed scant respect for the office and made a mockery of the peaceful transition of power.

And give some thought to the opposite, the reactions of Biden and Harris to the attempted assassination of Trump. Harris labeled it “heinous, horrible and cowardly.”

For his part, Biden called Trump personally after the shooting. “I told him how concerned I was and wanted to make sure I knew how he was actually doing,” Biden told NBC’s Lester Holt. “He sounded good. He said he was fine, and he thanked me for calling…. I told him he was literally in the prayers of Jill and me, and his whole family was weathering this.”

Would Trump have done the same were the situation reversed? Hard to imagine that from a man who doesn’t appear to know the meaning of even basic manners, much less the graciousness that once was a hallmark of many of his party’s leaders in years past.

Kamala Harris; source: The White House

Will we again get back to such common decency? It seems likely that the only way that will happen is if Trump and his party are soundly trounced in the upcoming election, the numerous prosecutions of him move forward and the toxin that is Trumpism is purged from the GOP.

All that, of course, is a tall order. But, for anyone with a sense of basic manners, it would seem to be within reach.