“Without fear or favor”

Haley Van Erem has been seeking justice for a long time

Joseph Weber

Haley Van Erem as a student, Source: FSU College of Law

Fourteen years ago, an idealistic Florida State University law student saw something very wrong and, with the help of colleagues, set out to set it right. State authorities blocked her at every turn.

Now that she’s a far more seasoned lawyer, Haley Van Erem is doing the same thing again. But this time, it’s the Trump Administration that she’s tangling with.

Van Erem in 2012 was part of a project at FSU’s Public Interest Law Center that brought suit against Florida to try to get children with complex medical needs out of nursing homes and back into their homes with proper support. The children – who numbered more than 200 back then – were “medically fragile.” Some required 24/7 care that included ventilators.

Still, many of their caregivers wanted them home.

“The saddest part of all is not that these children have nowhere to go. That’s what a lot of people would assume,” Van Erem told the Florida Bar News. “A lot of families are asking for support and want their children at home. Our goal is to get these children back with their families, with adequate support.”

It took more than a decade of litigation, but in 2023 a federal court ruled that the state violated the Americans with Disabilities Act by institutionalizing the children. The court ordered Florida to ensure that the youngsters – then numbering about 140 –get access to needed services while at home and in their communities, as the U.S. Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division reported.

As it happened, Van Erem was working at the time in that division, where she had served as a career DOJ attorney for nearly a decade. While there, she racked up a slew of honors, including Special Commendations in 2019 and 2023, Distinguished Service Awards in 2019, 2022, and 2023, and a Cooperative Achievement Award in 2017 for interagency work.

None of that seems surprising, in light of her work at FSU and her earlier days as a Phi Beta Kappa student at Arizona State University. As a junior studying social work, she won a grant to study in Spain. For years, Van Erem has been a proven achiever, as well as someone with a keen eye for right and wrong.

But her tenure in the once-distinguished Civil Rights Division was upended by Donald J. Trump and his minions at the department. And the demands put on Van Erem and her colleagues have led to an exceptional whistleblower complaint that claims there was no legal or factual basis for probes into antisemitism at Brown, Columbia and Harvard. Recall that those allegations have wreaked havoc at the schools.

Recall, too, that Brown and Columbia settled their disputes with the Trump Administration by agreeing to pay $50 million and $200 million, respectively, mainly because Trump had cut off far larger amounts of federal funding to the schools. Harvard has been fighting, however, and the Trump administration was ordered last year to reverse more than $2.6 billion funding cuts to the school, with a federal judge saying the government “used antisemitism as a smokescreen for a targeted, ideologically-motivated assault on this country’s premier universities.”

More recently, a different judge dismissed a Trump administration lawsuit that accused Harvard of turning a blind eye to harassment of Jewish students. This was a major setback in Trump’s war on academia.

As PBS reported, Van Erem’s complaint alleges that investigations into the schools were designed to strong-arm them into cutting deals for political purposes. Outcomes of the investigations were “predetermined, without regard to the evidence” in a “politically mandated effort” to extract money from schools through settlement demands and funding freezes under the pretext of rooting out antisemitism, the complaint alleges.

In other words, rather than undertake good-faith probes and charge offenses based on the facts, Justice’s lawyers were using the department as a cudgel to achieve Trump’s political end – humbling the schools.

The complaint makes for fascinating reading.

In March 2025, for instance, it says Van Erem and some of her colleagues were reassigned to a task force investigating alleged antisemitism in medical schools at Brown, Columbia, Cornell and Harvard. The lawyers got a memo informing them that the investigations were “based on a New York Post article that alleged anti-Semitic activities at numerous medical school commencement ceremonies.”

Source: New York Post

Some students, according to the newspaper, had shouted “Free Palestine” and worn Palestinian flags or keffiyehs at the graduation ceremonies – repulsive expressions, perhaps, but protected speech, according to the complaint. “It was not unheard of for news reporting coupled with additional evidence to lead the DOJ to initiate further scrutiny of potential statutory violations, but opening an investigation based on a single article was highly unusual,” the complaint notes.

Still, the lawyers expected rigorous investigation, the complaint says. Instead, they were told that the probe at Columbia – a particular bête noire for Trump — had widened to seek out antisemitism at the entire university.

The staff, it seemed, had found no evidence of liability at the medical schools but, together with the funding cuts, the DOJ was determined to pound the schools into settlements. The efforts “reflected a predetermined, outcome‑driven approach to enforcement rather than a fact‑based investigative process,” the complaint says, “… staff were encouraged to invert the standard sequence of investigation, compliance review, and legal analysis and instead work backward from desired settlement terms, including provisions not directly tied to substantiated Title VI anti‑harassment or antisemitism violations, to generate proposed findings that would support those terms.”

Title VI prohibits discrimination based on race, color or national origin in institutions receiving federal funds.

At Brown, in particular, Van Erem and her colleagues were told to interview Middle East Studies professors, particularly Muslims, to try to elicit antisemitic statements, according to the complaint. She and her colleagues felt it was an “attempt to intimidate those professors and was rooted in Islamophobic assumptions that Middle East Studies professors would harbor antisemitic viewpoints rather than any actual evidence of complaints about antisemitism.”

But, to the consternation of their superiors, Van Erem and her colleagues found insufficient evidence to support allegations of Title VI violations.

At Columbia, investigators found evidence of discrimination, but Van Erem and her colleagues argued the investigation was a rush job done before “adequate factual development and legal review were completed” and relied on allegations that “were unsupported, based on news reports or litigation filings, or that implicated protected First Amendment activity.”

DOJ’s representatives on the task force were given only hours to review claims that officials hoped to cite to justify an administration finding that the university had violated Jewish students’ civil rights, as The Washington Post noted. As the newspaper reported, in some cases the claims involved little more than activists’ expressions of support for Palestinians.

“My main concern is that a lot of these [examples] involve protected speech and this document should not imply that those incidents are the basis of a Title VI violations,” Van Erem wrote.

When the pressure from her supervisors persisted, the career DOJ lawyer decided her days in the department were over. Van Erem “was unwilling to be made vulnerable to further participation in politically motivated investigations unsupported by facts and contrary to law.” She quit on May 30, 2025.

As Democratic Congressman Jamie Raskin put it in a letter to Harmeet Dhillon, an assistant attorney general in charge of the Civil Rights Division, “your ‘investigation’ into antisemitism was fake, a pre-baked frame-up operation thoroughly political in nature.”

Raskin added that “the whole project was designed to harass professors and administrators at major universities, to curtail their freedom of speech and academic freedom, and to strip targeted institutions of hundreds of millions of dollars in grants that they had already been awarded on the merits of their applications.”

Like many other career prosecutors who don’t toe the Trumpist line, Van Erem last fall moved into state prosecution. She signed on as a unit chief at the Office of the Attorney General for Maryland. And, on Aug. 17, she brought the complaint against the feds, with the help of lawyers at the Government Accountability Project. In it, she asks the inspector generals of the departments of Justice and Health and Human Services to investigate “without fear or favor” the abuses she has reported.

Will that request go anywhere? That seems difficult to imagine, now that the Justice Department under Todd Blanche appears overtly to be a vehicle for Trump to pursue institutions and individuals he dislikes. Still, the disclosure of Van Erem’s experiences sheds light on just how perverse the department has become.

It took years, but Van Erem prevailed in Florida. That may again happen in D.C., though it may require that someone new occupy the White House and that the Department of Justice be led by someone independent, fair-minded and truthful — in other words, someone as interested in justice as Van Erem is.

“Drest in a little brief authority”

Trump’s disdain for anyone checking him just gets worse and worse

Joseph Weber

Portia, source: Shakespeare Retold

In Shakespeare’s classic play “The Merchant of Venice,” Portia saves the life of her friend Antonio with a clever legal dodge. Even though the lender Shylock has the right to take a pound of flesh from the man because he defaulted on a loan, Portia convinces a court that their contract does not allow Shylock to take any blood:

“This bond doth give thee here no jot of blood;/The words expressly are ‘a pound of flesh:’/Take then thy bond, take thou thy pound of flesh;/But, in the cutting it, if thou dost shed/One drop of Christian blood, thy lands and goods/Are, by the laws of Venice, confiscate/Unto the state of Venice.”

Ah, such a wonderful loophole. No doubt, lawyers have exploited terms such as that for centuries, finding ways to wiggle out of a contract or sidestep a judge’s orders or stated law.

But is it seemly when a president tries this?

Donald J. Trump and his toadies on the board of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts are aiming to do just that with a move to add to that title the phrase “Restored and Renovated by President Donald J. Trump,” as well as by renaming the grounds “President Donald J. Trump Plaza” and by prominently etching the words “Endowed by the Trump Kennedy Center Fund.”

The idea is that Judge Christopher R. Cooper, in his May 29 order requiring Trump’s name to be stripped from the center’s facade, spoke only to the proper name of the building, not to phrases – or names — that might otherwise adorn it, even if they appear as prominently as the place’s name itself.

“The Court has concluded that the Board overstepped its statutory bounds by unilaterally renaming the Kennedy Center after President Trump. In 1964, Congress deliberately rechristened the ‘National Cultural Center’ the ‘John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts,’” the judge ruled. “[So] the Kennedy Center Board’s decision to rename the Center, along with its decision to affix President Trump’s name to the building’s façade, violate Congress’s unequivocal mandate. As stated at the outset, Congress gave the Kennedy Center its name, and only Congress can change it.”

It’s likely that Judge Cooper will be asked to rule on the new proposed changes again. Ohio Democratic Rep. Joyce Beatty, an ex-officio member of the center’s board who was one of three nays on the “Renovated By” resolution, called the group’s action “a transparent effort to circumvent the Court’s ruling,” adding that it “flies in the face of the statutes that Congress passed.” She vowed to fight.

The move by the board, which Trump heads, not merely flies in the face of law, but spits in the eye of the judge, a Barack Obama appointee. Recall that Trump had accused Cooper of ruling against him “because his wife probably told him to do so,” arguing that Cooper’s wife, former federal prosecutor Amy Jeffress, was “a Radical Left Democrat” and that the judge should be brought up on charges because that amounted to a conflict of interest.

Good luck, Donald, with getting a charitable decision now from that judge.

This all amounts to an egomaniac’s childish temper tantrum, of course. One imagines him stamping his feet and saying: “So there.” But it represents something much bigger – Trump’s inability to recognize that no means no, at least when a court declares that.

At times, the consequences of Trump’s refusal to countenance any check on his power can be far more dire than just a few letters etched into marble on a Washington landmark. To cite some recent examples, the Supreme Court has ruled against him on three major fronts – on tariffs, on an appointee to the Federal Reserve Trump dislikes and on birthright citizenship – and on all three Trump and his minions are making efforts to sidestep the rulings.

The administration’s loophole-hunting efforts, detailed in a New York Times newsletter, amount to what an article in The Duke Law Journal called “legalistic noncompliance.” The article’s authors called the sidestepping “deploying the language of the law to shroud what are, in fact, bad faith efforts to evade judicial orders.” Trump’s acolytes insist they are following the letter of the law, as judges interpret that, but they seek to slip around its spirit in whatever ways they can.

Portia would have been proud.

Justices Barrett, Gorsuch and Roberts; source: Slate

But let’s look further. What does Trump say of the judges in some of those cases? He called his appointees Neil Gorsuch and Amy Coney Barrett “weak, stupid, and bad” and an embarrassment to their families.” Worse, the justices were “fools and lapdogs for the RINOs and the radical left Democrats.”

Presidential language, for sure.

So, will Trump and his Justice Department bootlickers now accept another federal judge’s recent dismissal of an antisemitism case against Harvard? “We disagree with the ruling and are assessing next steps,” Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division Harmeet Dhillon said in a statement.

In other words, no won’t mean no, if the Trumpies can come up with a legal dodge or loophole.

At times, the administration’s arrogance is so deep that it hasn’t bothered to even come up with some workaround. It has just defied the courts. Most infamously, Trump’s lackeys in the spring of 2025 defied an order by Judge James E. Boasberg to not deport 200 migrants without a hearing. Three planes shipped the people out to El Salvador anyway.

Recall that Trump called Boasberg “a Radical Left Lunatic of a Judge, a troublemaker and agitator” who should be impeached, earning a rare rebuke from Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts. Boasberg was appointed to separate judicial posts by George W. Bush and Barack Obama and served on the U.S. Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court.

Perhaps someone who deserves a modicum of presidential respect?

But Trump’s disrespect for judges and defiance of their orders goes far further. Between February of 2025 and last spring, district court judges ruled that the administration violated orders in at least 31 lawsuits over a wide range of issues, including cuts in federal funding, mass layoffs, deportations, and immigration practices, as reported by The Associated Press. These violations followed more than 250 instances of noncompliance that judges highlighted in individual immigration petitions — from failing to return property to keeping immigrants locked up past court-ordered release dates. The AP called it “an extraordinary record of defiance.”

Let’s think about Shakespeare again. He often wrote about arrogance.

In “Measure for Measure,” another of his plays, a character bemoans another character’s hubris, saying: “… man, proud man,/Drest in a little brief authority,/Most ignorant of what he’s most assured,/His glassy essence, like an angry ape,/Plays such fantastic tricks before high heaven/As make the angels weep.”

Donald J. Trump and his minions likely are making many weep now, but someday their “little brief authority” and their deceptions and legal sideslipping will fade away. Perhaps the midterm elections will mark the beginning of their end.

President Donald Trump has called for a federal judge to face charges after a ruling that will temporarily halt his renovations at the center and force his name to be removed from the structure (Reuters)

Do Jews have a political home anymore?

The Democratic Party may be driving them out

Joseph Weber

Joe Lieberman, source: NBC

Six years after running unsuccessfully for the vice presidency as the Democratic party nominee, Joe Lieberman in 2006 lost a Democratic primary race in Connecticut for reelection to the U.S. Senate. So, he ran and won as an independent, taking his fourth term, which wrapped up in 2013. In an interview a decade later, he recalled an old quote: “I didn’t leave the Democratic Party; the Democratic Party left me.”

Lieberman stopped himself before repeating the line. Instead, he laughed and, remembering that Ronald Reagan had used the line in 1962, said: “So maybe that’s not a good person to quote to extend a bridge to my fellow Democrats.”

The 24-year senator at that time had kept his Democratic party registration but was working with No Labels, a centrist group that wanted to find an alternative to both Joseph R. Biden and Donald J. Trump in the 2024 election. He said the anger Americans felt toward both parties was unprecedented.

As often happens with third parties, the No Labels group fell apart, unable to find a suitable candidate. Then, months before the election, Lieberman died in March 2024 at 82.

More than anything, the Connecticut senator – an observant Jew who had faulted Democratic President Bill Clinton in 1999 for his “immoral” relationship with an intern — wanted the party to return to its traditional center. He was so turned off by the directions the party was taking that he backed his friend, Sen. John McCain, for president in 2008 and, of course, sought a middle-ground alternative in the year he died.

Now, anti-Israel “progressives” have notched high-profile wins in Democratic primaries in Michigan and Colorado, along with Zohran Mamdani’s rout in New York City, as well as wins by other left-wing candidates there. And many Jews are wondering the same sort of thing as Lieberman did.

Has the party that so many have long supported deserted them?

And it’s not just a matter of the victories in Michigan by Dr. Abdul El-Sayed, a Senate candidate, and House candidate William Lawrence, as well as Colorado House candidate Melat Kiros. Nor is it just the New York primary triumphs of House hopeful Brad Lander, a nuanced critic of Israel, or the more strident Claire Valdez and Darializa Avila Chevalier.

As The New York Times reported, the Democratic Party’s rapid retreat from support for Israel has shown up in pollselection results and votes in Congress. Some 49 percent of Democratic voters quizzed in a May New York Times/Sienna poll strongly oppose providing more economic and military support to the country (while 42 percent of Republicans strongly back such aid). Almost half the Democrats in the House voted in July to end aid to Israel, though the measure failed.

The elections and the opinion shift almost surely will weaken the already wobbling support among many Jews for the Democratic Party. A poll from last year showed that some 68 percent of American Jews backed the party in 2019, but the share dropped to 55 percent by last year. By contrast, roughly just one in four such Jews backed the Republican Party from 2008 to 2020, but the share rose to nearly one in three (32 percent) by last year.

Of course, not all Jews have switched parties. The CES poll shows a rise in the share considering themselves as independents (or backers of others) to 13 percent, up from just below 10 percent in 2024. It’s possible that share includes folks who might be as mad at both parties as Lieberman said many were in 2024.

And any analysis of the changes has to be loaded with caveats. For one, while the Israel critics grabbed the headlines, plenty of moderate Democrats also won their contests. As The Week noted, the recent winners in the party’s moderate faction include Rep. Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (Wash.), who fended off a leftist challenger; former Rep. Elaine Luria (Va.) and Richmond-area prosecutor Shannon Taylor, who won swing-district primaries; and Rep. Wesley Bell (Mo.), who bested democratic socialist former Rep. Cori Bush.

Earlier, plenty of pro-Israel candidates won their races elsewhere. These include House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries (who ran unopposed in New York) and Adrian Boafo in Maryland, as well as New Yorkers Yvette Clark, Laura Gillen, Gregory Meeks, Tim Kennedy and others, along with several other incumbents from Maryland, all backed by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC).

What’s more, it may be risky to make too much of El-Sayed’s victory. It was a narrow one, about a single percentage point higher than pro-Israel candidate Haley Stevens, and he prevailed with less than a majority at just under 48.5 percent, according to the most recent count. Moreover, it’s typically the most committed partisans – call some of them extremists– who vote in primaries, so the epidemiologist’s backers may not represent the party faithful overall.

Still, as the Times suggested, El-Sayed’s triumph was “maybe the biggest setback for pro-Israel Democrats.” And, perhaps more than anything, El-Sayed’s victory was a sharp slap in the face to AIPAC, which had spent a stunning $32 million trying to defeat him. The group, instead, gave El-Sayed ammunition, as he made attacking spending by outside groups a key part of his campaign.

Similarly, AIPAC spent heavily a few months ago to try to tarnish a Jewish Democrat in Illinois, Evanston Mayor Daniel Biss, in his race for the House. Biss considers himself a liberal Zionist who is critical of Israel’s current government, a position that is increasingly common among Democrats. AIPAC’s spending backfired when Biss made the group’s opposition a central part of his race.

Whether American Jews will turn against the Democrats overall in the midterms and later in the next presidential race is a tough call to make now. As the political science site Good Authority noted, most Jewish Democrats quizzed in 2025 said they still intended to vote Democratic in House races this year, even as their party support was weakening – though much could change yet.

“The two signals do not point in the same direction,” the site reported. “Jewish American identification with the Democratic Party has dropped to its lowest level in nearly two decades. Jewish Democratic voters’ stated vote intention has remained much the same. Both of those things can be true at once, and the needle on either gauge can move again between now and November.”

The late Connecticut senator may have been onto something years ago. Soon enough, we’ll find out whether his insights are even more relevant now.

If ignorance is bliss, why are so many miserable?

But Trump’s funhouse mirrors may be shattering

Joseph Webe

Source: National Catholic Reporter

After Jeanine Pirro, his handpicked U.S. Attorney for Washington, D.C., contradicted Donald J. Trump in a court filing about the Reflecting Pool, the president insisted she was wrong. On social media he blasted “the major damage was caused by VANDALS.”

As a review of the 20-page motion seeking the dismissal of charges against former Olympian David Hearn shows, Pirro offered substantial evidence to the contrary. “[I]nformation show[s] that the damage” to the Reflecting Pool “was the result of a botched installation and not vandalism as initially represented” by the Department of the Interior, the U.S. Attorney and an assistant told the court in their July 31 filing.

Quite the turnabout.

Pirro and a colleague added that “additional documents” provided by the department “indicat[ed] that damage to the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool in June 2026 was the result of flawed installation by the contractor, Atlantic Industrial Coatings (‘AIC’), and the rush to complete the project prior to events associated with the America 250 celebration in the weeks surrounding Independence Day 2026.”

Despite the detailed, photo-laden filing, Trump insisted that his appointee was wrong. “I disagree 100% with Jeanine Pirro,” he said in a post on Truth SociaI. “I don’t know what she was thinking? To me, it was a pure case of VANDALISM ….”

Recall that Trump picked Pirro to serve in the D.C. jurisdiction because of her work as a legal analyst and program host for Fox, as well as her experience as a county judge in Westchester, N.Y., and three-term district attorney. Her credits also include working as a writer and producer for TV’s “Law & Order,” along with some acting experience.

Clearly Trumpworthy.

Certainly, Pirro played her part well on July 2, when she announced the indictment against Hearn, who had dipped his hand in the Reflecting Pool while on a bike ride. She called the vandalism “an affront to the dignity of our shared history.” Insisting it was a day of “accountability,” Pirro said Hearn made “a deliberate act to damage the Reflecting Pool” and alleged that he did so “forcefully and violently,” adding that “we can state and prove beyond a reasonable doubt that he caused damage and that damage is over $1,000.”

My, how her script changed. No more shooting from the lip.

In the dismissal motion, she said new information from the Department of the Interior made it clear that “[t]he rush to complete the project led to hasty and botched work that was not remediated before the project was finished and the fencing removed.” Perhaps the even hastier work, though, was Pirro’s Trump-pleasing indictment of Hearn less than two weeks after the 67-year-old cyclist touched a loose piece of the pool’s liner on his June 19 ride.

But Pirro’s pirouette wasn’t the most disconcerting thing about the episode. Rather, that was Trump’s inability to admit that Hearn was wrongfully charged. Psychologists have a term for that: it’s “willful ignorance.” This is a state in which people realize at some level that their beliefs are probably false OR they refuse to attend to information that would establish their falsity.

No matter how much information contradicts the willfully ignorant, they just can’t see things any other way but their distorted – or simply wrong – way, seeing the world in a funhouse mirror. Or, if they are just liars, they will stick to their guns, even while knowing they’ve misfired.

We see this repeatedly with Trump, whose penchant for lying is well-established. He does so convincingly – at least to his MAGA devotees – perhaps because he believes his own lies. Self-deception is a key part of Trump’s flawed psyche, according to his niece clinical psychologist Mary L. Trump.

And this has had tragic consequences.

Source: flickr

When Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu persuaded Trump that an attack on Iran would be swiftly followed by public uprisings to oust the mullahs, Trump disregarded the views of American intelligence agencies. In February, about a week before the men launched their attacks, the U.S. National Intelligence Council had concluded that neither limited airstrikes nor a larger, prolonged military campaign would be likely to result in a new government taking over in Iran.

The prospect of Iran’s fragmented opposition taking control of the country was described as “unlikely,” according to sources quoted anonymously by several outlets including The Washington Post. As the paper reported, the council is composed of veteran analysts who produce classified assessments meant to represent the collective wisdom of Washington’s 18 intelligence agencies.

American military leaders also waved the yellow caution flag. During a Feb. 18 meeting, General John “Dan” Caine listed options including a) a limited strike as a way to push Iran in the negotiations or b) larger campaign with the goal of toppling the government, as The New York Times reported. The second option, the general warned, carried high risk of American casualties, could destabilize the region and significantly deplete stocks of American munitions.

Since Trump chose option B, at least 14 American soldiers have been killed and 624 wounded. And those figures may understate the tallies because the Pentagon has changed the way it counts and reports such numbers.

And now, of course, the five-month-old war drags on with Iranian leaders playing Trump like a fiddle. Recall that Trump claimed the U.S. and Israel “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear capabilities, but now his administration is still trying to cut a deal to keep nukes out of Iranian hands. And he has repeatedly threatened massive attacks, even while saying Iranians were begging for a deal.

Trump has often asserted that the U.S. and Israel destroyed Iran’s military capabilities. And yet the country still has the power to send missiles and drones into the territory of U.S. allies.

At the moment, Trump says he is holding off on a major assault he threatened, saying allies pleaded for diplomacy. But experts say he backed down because Iran now has the upper hand, mainly because it can use proxies such as the Houthis to threaten ships in the Red Sea and can bombard U.S. allies in the Persian Gulf.

Is willful ignorance driving him again? The most charitable face one can put on it is to blame disastrous miscalculation fueled by arrogance. And yet, with so many smart folks tapping the brakes, should he not have listened?

Then there’s the economy. At his recent very public Cabinet meeting, Trump bragged anew about his economic achievements, saying “… today, there are more people working in the United States than at any time in the history of our country” and that “… without the election, you wouldn’t have what I’ve done economically. So, we have the most successful environment that we’ve ever had.”

Never mind that in the second quarter of this year, growth in the economy slowed to a 1.5 percent rate, sharply down from the already modest 2.1 percent annual rate clocked in the year’s opening quarter. Or that the consumer price index rose 3.5 percent in June, compared with the same month last year. While that’s down from 4.2 percent in May, it still reflects inflation that is clipping along faster than the 2 percent rate the Federal Reserve wants.

That’s why the Fed is keeping interest rates as they are, not dropping them as Trump wants. And, even as the central bank has taken that stance, three regional bank presidents dissented, pressing for higher lending rates to rein in inflation.

Source: Dragon Quest Wiki

But what do we and Trump hear from his key economic operator, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent? That sycophant, flattering the president along with the other Cabinet toadies, said “…we’re pulling away from the rest of the world because of your leadership, the policies that you did from day one in terms of digital assets, in terms of technology and bringing back American manufacturing. You’ve done it again.You had the incredible economy during your first term, and we are seeing that carry over here and it is in stark contrast to the Biden economy …”

Nary a word about the slowdown or the Fed concerns, which had made news nationwide. No mention of the decline in consumer spending or rising gas prices. Nothing about how a recent CNN poll found that 65 percent of Americans believe Trump’s policies have worsened economic conditions in the country, or that the president’s approval rating had fallen to 34 percent.

As the Los Angeles Times reported, a recent Pew Research Center survey found most Americans aren’t feeling great about the economy — with 24 percent rating economic conditions as excellent or good, 41 percent rating them as “only fair,” and 35 percent rating them as poor.

Combine willful ignorance with Trump’s astonishingly successful effort to surround himself with opportunistic yes-men, and you get suck-up Cabinet meetings like this past one.

Finally, consider the president’s fight with the Smithsonian Institution and other outfits that tell our national story. The president doesn’t want the best judgments of historians and experts to guide the national self-image, but rather his blinkered and ignorant views.

Smithsonian, source: Wikipedia

As a New York Times writer recalled, two months into his second term, Trump issued an executive order titled Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History, directing officials to “remove improper ideology” from the Smithsonian and its museums, to cut funding to “programs that degrade shared American values” and to reinstate some monuments removed following the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests.

Since then, the National Park Service has been removing signs about slavery; the statue of a Confederate general has been reinstalled in Washington; a scathing report by the White House Domestic Policy Council accused the Smithsonian of using history “as a political instrument to divide, dispirit and discourage our citizens”; and on July 24, Trump issued a new executive order mandating that signs be installed outside the Smithsonian. The signs warn visitors “about the ideological capture at the National Museum of American History.”

The Times writer, Moscow-born M. Gessen, compared the political effort to rewrite history to the constant rewrites of Russian history her countrymen have long endured.

“Trump wants Americans to unlearn what they have come to know about the history and legacy of enslavement,” Gessen wrote. “What his executive orders really promise to restore is a sense of comfort contained in the most reductive and sanitized stories about the United States — the bliss of ignorance.”

The bliss, perhaps, of willful ignorance.