“Without fear or favor”

Haley Van Erem has been seeking justice for a long time

Joseph Weber

Haley Van Erem as a student, Source: FSU College of Law

Fourteen years ago, an idealistic Florida State University law student saw something very wrong and, with the help of colleagues, set out to set it right. State authorities blocked her at every turn.

Now that she’s a far more seasoned lawyer, Haley Van Erem is doing the same thing again. But this time, it’s the Trump Administration that she’s tangling with.

Van Erem in 2012 was part of a project at FSU’s Public Interest Law Center that brought suit against Florida to try to get children with complex medical needs out of nursing homes and back into their homes with proper support. The children – who numbered more than 200 back then – were “medically fragile.” Some required 24/7 care that included ventilators.

Still, many of their caregivers wanted them home.

“The saddest part of all is not that these children have nowhere to go. That’s what a lot of people would assume,” Van Erem told the Florida Bar News. “A lot of families are asking for support and want their children at home. Our goal is to get these children back with their families, with adequate support.”

It took more than a decade of litigation, but in 2023 a federal court ruled that the state violated the Americans with Disabilities Act by institutionalizing the children. The court ordered Florida to ensure that the youngsters – then numbering about 140 –get access to needed services while at home and in their communities, as the U.S. Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division reported.

As it happened, Van Erem was working at the time in that division, where she had served as a career DOJ attorney for nearly a decade. While there, she racked up a slew of honors, including Special Commendations in 2019 and 2023, Distinguished Service Awards in 2019, 2022, and 2023, and a Cooperative Achievement Award in 2017 for interagency work.

None of that seems surprising, in light of her work at FSU and her earlier days as a Phi Beta Kappa student at Arizona State University. As a junior studying social work, she won a grant to study in Spain. For years, Van Erem has been a proven achiever, as well as someone with a keen eye for right and wrong.

But her tenure in the once-distinguished Civil Rights Division was upended by Donald J. Trump and his minions at the department. And the demands put on Van Erem and her colleagues have led to an exceptional whistleblower complaint that claims there was no legal or factual basis for probes into antisemitism at Brown, Columbia and Harvard. Recall that those allegations have wreaked havoc at the schools.

Recall, too, that Brown and Columbia settled their disputes with the Trump Administration by agreeing to pay $50 million and $200 million, respectively, mainly because Trump had cut off far larger amounts of federal funding to the schools. Harvard has been fighting, however, and the Trump administration was ordered last year to reverse more than $2.6 billion funding cuts to the school, with a federal judge saying the government “used antisemitism as a smokescreen for a targeted, ideologically-motivated assault on this country’s premier universities.”

More recently, a different judge dismissed a Trump administration lawsuit that accused Harvard of turning a blind eye to harassment of Jewish students. This was a major setback in Trump’s war on academia.

As PBS reported, Van Erem’s complaint alleges that investigations into the schools were designed to strong-arm them into cutting deals for political purposes. Outcomes of the investigations were “predetermined, without regard to the evidence” in a “politically mandated effort” to extract money from schools through settlement demands and funding freezes under the pretext of rooting out antisemitism, the complaint alleges.

In other words, rather than undertake good-faith probes and charge offenses based on the facts, Justice’s lawyers were using the department as a cudgel to achieve Trump’s political end – humbling the schools.

The complaint makes for fascinating reading.

In March 2025, for instance, it says Van Erem and some of her colleagues were reassigned to a task force investigating alleged antisemitism in medical schools at Brown, Columbia, Cornell and Harvard. The lawyers got a memo informing them that the investigations were “based on a New York Post article that alleged anti-Semitic activities at numerous medical school commencement ceremonies.”

Source: New York Post

Some students, according to the newspaper, had shouted “Free Palestine” and worn Palestinian flags or keffiyehs at the graduation ceremonies – repulsive expressions, perhaps, but protected speech, according to the complaint. “It was not unheard of for news reporting coupled with additional evidence to lead the DOJ to initiate further scrutiny of potential statutory violations, but opening an investigation based on a single article was highly unusual,” the complaint notes.

Still, the lawyers expected rigorous investigation, the complaint says. Instead, they were told that the probe at Columbia – a particular bête noire for Trump — had widened to seek out antisemitism at the entire university.

The staff, it seemed, had found no evidence of liability at the medical schools but, together with the funding cuts, the DOJ was determined to pound the schools into settlements. The efforts “reflected a predetermined, outcome‑driven approach to enforcement rather than a fact‑based investigative process,” the complaint says, “… staff were encouraged to invert the standard sequence of investigation, compliance review, and legal analysis and instead work backward from desired settlement terms, including provisions not directly tied to substantiated Title VI anti‑harassment or antisemitism violations, to generate proposed findings that would support those terms.”

Title VI prohibits discrimination based on race, color or national origin in institutions receiving federal funds.

At Brown, in particular, Van Erem and her colleagues were told to interview Middle East Studies professors, particularly Muslims, to try to elicit antisemitic statements, according to the complaint. She and her colleagues felt it was an “attempt to intimidate those professors and was rooted in Islamophobic assumptions that Middle East Studies professors would harbor antisemitic viewpoints rather than any actual evidence of complaints about antisemitism.”

But, to the consternation of their superiors, Van Erem and her colleagues found insufficient evidence to support allegations of Title VI violations.

At Columbia, investigators found evidence of discrimination, but Van Erem and her colleagues argued the investigation was a rush job done before “adequate factual development and legal review were completed” and relied on allegations that “were unsupported, based on news reports or litigation filings, or that implicated protected First Amendment activity.”

DOJ’s representatives on the task force were given only hours to review claims that officials hoped to cite to justify an administration finding that the university had violated Jewish students’ civil rights, as The Washington Post noted. As the newspaper reported, in some cases the claims involved little more than activists’ expressions of support for Palestinians.

“My main concern is that a lot of these [examples] involve protected speech and this document should not imply that those incidents are the basis of a Title VI violations,” Van Erem wrote.

When the pressure from her supervisors persisted, the career DOJ lawyer decided her days in the department were over. Van Erem “was unwilling to be made vulnerable to further participation in politically motivated investigations unsupported by facts and contrary to law.” She quit on May 30, 2025.

As Democratic Congressman Jamie Raskin put it in a letter to Harmeet Dhillon, an assistant attorney general in charge of the Civil Rights Division, “your ‘investigation’ into antisemitism was fake, a pre-baked frame-up operation thoroughly political in nature.”

Raskin added that “the whole project was designed to harass professors and administrators at major universities, to curtail their freedom of speech and academic freedom, and to strip targeted institutions of hundreds of millions of dollars in grants that they had already been awarded on the merits of their applications.”

Like many other career prosecutors who don’t toe the Trumpist line, Van Erem last fall moved into state prosecution. She signed on as a unit chief at the Office of the Attorney General for Maryland. And, on Aug. 17, she brought the complaint against the feds, with the help of lawyers at the Government Accountability Project. In it, she asks the inspector generals of the departments of Justice and Health and Human Services to investigate “without fear or favor” the abuses she has reported.

Will that request go anywhere? That seems difficult to imagine, now that the Justice Department under Todd Blanche appears overtly to be a vehicle for Trump to pursue institutions and individuals he dislikes. Still, the disclosure of Van Erem’s experiences sheds light on just how perverse the department has become.

It took years, but Van Erem prevailed in Florida. That may again happen in D.C., though it may require that someone new occupy the White House and that the Department of Justice be led by someone independent, fair-minded and truthful — in other words, someone as interested in justice as Van Erem is.

“Drest in a little brief authority”

Trump’s disdain for anyone checking him just gets worse and worse

Joseph Weber

Portia, source: Shakespeare Retold

In Shakespeare’s classic play “The Merchant of Venice,” Portia saves the life of her friend Antonio with a clever legal dodge. Even though the lender Shylock has the right to take a pound of flesh from the man because he defaulted on a loan, Portia convinces a court that their contract does not allow Shylock to take any blood:

“This bond doth give thee here no jot of blood;/The words expressly are ‘a pound of flesh:’/Take then thy bond, take thou thy pound of flesh;/But, in the cutting it, if thou dost shed/One drop of Christian blood, thy lands and goods/Are, by the laws of Venice, confiscate/Unto the state of Venice.”

Ah, such a wonderful loophole. No doubt, lawyers have exploited terms such as that for centuries, finding ways to wiggle out of a contract or sidestep a judge’s orders or stated law.

But is it seemly when a president tries this?

Donald J. Trump and his toadies on the board of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts are aiming to do just that with a move to add to that title the phrase “Restored and Renovated by President Donald J. Trump,” as well as by renaming the grounds “President Donald J. Trump Plaza” and by prominently etching the words “Endowed by the Trump Kennedy Center Fund.”

The idea is that Judge Christopher R. Cooper, in his May 29 order requiring Trump’s name to be stripped from the center’s facade, spoke only to the proper name of the building, not to phrases – or names — that might otherwise adorn it, even if they appear as prominently as the place’s name itself.

“The Court has concluded that the Board overstepped its statutory bounds by unilaterally renaming the Kennedy Center after President Trump. In 1964, Congress deliberately rechristened the ‘National Cultural Center’ the ‘John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts,’” the judge ruled. “[So] the Kennedy Center Board’s decision to rename the Center, along with its decision to affix President Trump’s name to the building’s façade, violate Congress’s unequivocal mandate. As stated at the outset, Congress gave the Kennedy Center its name, and only Congress can change it.”

It’s likely that Judge Cooper will be asked to rule on the new proposed changes again. Ohio Democratic Rep. Joyce Beatty, an ex-officio member of the center’s board who was one of three nays on the “Renovated By” resolution, called the group’s action “a transparent effort to circumvent the Court’s ruling,” adding that it “flies in the face of the statutes that Congress passed.” She vowed to fight.

The move by the board, which Trump heads, not merely flies in the face of law, but spits in the eye of the judge, a Barack Obama appointee. Recall that Trump had accused Cooper of ruling against him “because his wife probably told him to do so,” arguing that Cooper’s wife, former federal prosecutor Amy Jeffress, was “a Radical Left Democrat” and that the judge should be brought up on charges because that amounted to a conflict of interest.

Good luck, Donald, with getting a charitable decision now from that judge.

This all amounts to an egomaniac’s childish temper tantrum, of course. One imagines him stamping his feet and saying: “So there.” But it represents something much bigger – Trump’s inability to recognize that no means no, at least when a court declares that.

At times, the consequences of Trump’s refusal to countenance any check on his power can be far more dire than just a few letters etched into marble on a Washington landmark. To cite some recent examples, the Supreme Court has ruled against him on three major fronts – on tariffs, on an appointee to the Federal Reserve Trump dislikes and on birthright citizenship – and on all three Trump and his minions are making efforts to sidestep the rulings.

The administration’s loophole-hunting efforts, detailed in a New York Times newsletter, amount to what an article in The Duke Law Journal called “legalistic noncompliance.” The article’s authors called the sidestepping “deploying the language of the law to shroud what are, in fact, bad faith efforts to evade judicial orders.” Trump’s acolytes insist they are following the letter of the law, as judges interpret that, but they seek to slip around its spirit in whatever ways they can.

Portia would have been proud.

Justices Barrett, Gorsuch and Roberts; source: Slate

But let’s look further. What does Trump say of the judges in some of those cases? He called his appointees Neil Gorsuch and Amy Coney Barrett “weak, stupid, and bad” and an embarrassment to their families.” Worse, the justices were “fools and lapdogs for the RINOs and the radical left Democrats.”

Presidential language, for sure.

So, will Trump and his Justice Department bootlickers now accept another federal judge’s recent dismissal of an antisemitism case against Harvard? “We disagree with the ruling and are assessing next steps,” Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division Harmeet Dhillon said in a statement.

In other words, no won’t mean no, if the Trumpies can come up with a legal dodge or loophole.

At times, the administration’s arrogance is so deep that it hasn’t bothered to even come up with some workaround. It has just defied the courts. Most infamously, Trump’s lackeys in the spring of 2025 defied an order by Judge James E. Boasberg to not deport 200 migrants without a hearing. Three planes shipped the people out to El Salvador anyway.

Recall that Trump called Boasberg “a Radical Left Lunatic of a Judge, a troublemaker and agitator” who should be impeached, earning a rare rebuke from Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts. Boasberg was appointed to separate judicial posts by George W. Bush and Barack Obama and served on the U.S. Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court.

Perhaps someone who deserves a modicum of presidential respect?

But Trump’s disrespect for judges and defiance of their orders goes far further. Between February of 2025 and last spring, district court judges ruled that the administration violated orders in at least 31 lawsuits over a wide range of issues, including cuts in federal funding, mass layoffs, deportations, and immigration practices, as reported by The Associated Press. These violations followed more than 250 instances of noncompliance that judges highlighted in individual immigration petitions — from failing to return property to keeping immigrants locked up past court-ordered release dates. The AP called it “an extraordinary record of defiance.”

Let’s think about Shakespeare again. He often wrote about arrogance.

In “Measure for Measure,” another of his plays, a character bemoans another character’s hubris, saying: “… man, proud man,/Drest in a little brief authority,/Most ignorant of what he’s most assured,/His glassy essence, like an angry ape,/Plays such fantastic tricks before high heaven/As make the angels weep.”

Donald J. Trump and his minions likely are making many weep now, but someday their “little brief authority” and their deceptions and legal sideslipping will fade away. Perhaps the midterm elections will mark the beginning of their end.

President Donald Trump has called for a federal judge to face charges after a ruling that will temporarily halt his renovations at the center and force his name to be removed from the structure (Reuters)